We find that the prophets _Jeremiah_ (xlvi., 25,) and _Nahum_ (iii., 8,
10,) call THEBES, the capital of upper Egypt during the XVIII. dynasty:
NO or NA-AMUN, the mansion of Amun. _Na_ signifies in Maya, house,
mansion, residence. But _Thebes_ is written in Egyptian hieroglyphs AP,
or APE, the meaning of which is the head, the capital; with the feminine
article T, that is always used as its prefix in hieroglyphic writings,
it becomes TAPE; which, according to Sir Gardner Wilkinson ("Manners and
Customs of the Ancient Egyptians," _tom._ III., page 210, N. Y. Edition,
1878), was pronounced by the Egyptians _Taba_; and in the Menphitic
dialect Thaba, that the Greeks converted into Thebai, whence Thebes. The
Maya verb _Teppal_, signifies to reign, to govern, to order. On each
side of the mastodons' heads, which form so prominent a feature in the
ornaments of the oldest edifices at Uxmal, Chichen-Itza and other parts,
the word _Dapas_; hence TABAS is written in ancient Egyptian characters,
and read, I presume, in old Maya, _head_. To-day the word is pronounced
THAB, and means _baldness_.

The identity of the names of deities worshiped by individuals, of their
religious rites and belief; that of the names of the places which they
inhabit; the similarity of their customs, of their dresses and manners;
the sameness of their scientific attainments and of the characters used
by them in expressing their language in writing, lead us naturally to
infer that they have had a common origin, or, at least, that their
forefathers were intimately connected. If we may apply this inference to
nations likewise, regardless of the distance that to-day separates the
countries where they live, I can then affirm that the Mayas and the
Egyptians are either of a common descent, or that very intimate
communication must have existed in remote ages between their ancestors.

Without entering here into a full detail of the customs and manners of
these people, I will make a rapid comparison between their religious
belief, their customs, manners, scientific attainments, and the
characters used by them in writing etc., sufficient to satisfy any
reasonable body that the strange coincidences that follow, cannot be
altogether accidental.

The SUN, RA, was the supreme god worshiped throughout the land of Egypt;
and its emblem was a disk or circle, at times surmounted by the serpent
Uraeus. Egypt was frequently called the Land of the Sun. RA or LA
signifies in Maya that which exists, emphatically that which is--the
truth.

The sun was worshiped by the ancient Mayas; and the Indians to-day
preserve the dance used by their forefathers among the rites of the
adoration of that luminary, and perform it yet in certain epoch[TN-21]
of the year. The coat-of-arms of the city of Uxmal, sculptured on the
west facade of the sanctuary, attached to the masonic temple in that
city, teaches us that the place was called U LUUMIL KIN, _the land of
the sun_. This name forming the center of the escutcheon, is written
with a cross, circumscribed by a circle, that among the Egyptians is
the sign for land, region, surrounded by the rays of the sun.

Colors in Egypt, as in Mayab, seem to have had the same symbolical
meaning. The figure of _Amun_ was that of a man whose body was light
blue, like the Indian god Wishnu,[TN-22] and that of the god Nilus; as if
to indicate their peculiar exalted and heavenly nature; this color being
that of the pure, bright skies above. The blue color had exactly the
same significance in Mayab, according to Landa and Cogolludo, who tell
us that, even at the time of the Spanish conquest, the bodies of those
who were to be sacrificed to the gods were painted blue. The mural
paintings in the funeral chamber of Chaacmol, at Chichen, confirm this
assertion. There we see figures of men and women painted blue, some
marching to the sacrifice with their hands tied behind their backs.
After being thus painted they were venerated by the people, who regarded
them as sanctified. Blue in Egypt was always the color used at the
funerals.

The Egyptians believed in the immortality of the soul; and that rewards
and punishments were adjudged by Osiris, the king of the Amenti, to the
souls according to their deeds during their mundane life. That the souls
after a period of three thousand years were to return to earth and
inhabit again their former earthly tenements. This was the reason why
they took so much pains to embalm the body.

The Mayas also believed in the immortality of the soul, as I have
already said. Their belief was that after the spirit had suffered during
a time proportioned to their misdeeds whilst on earth, and after having
enjoyed an amount of bliss corresponding to their good actions, they
were to return to earth and live again a material life. Accordingly, as
the body was corruptible, they made statues of stones, terra-cotta, or
wood, in the semblance of the deceased, whose ashes they deposited in a
hollow made for that purpose in the back of the head. Sometimes also in
stone urns, as in the case of Chaacmol. The spirits, on their return to
earth, were to find these statues, impart life to them, and use them as
body during their new existence.

I am not certain but that, as the Egyptians also, they were believers in
transmigration; and that this belief exists yet among the aborigines. I
have noticed that my Indians were unwilling to kill any animal whatever,
even the most noxious and dangerous, that inhabits the ruined monuments.
I have often told them to kill some venomous insect or serpent that may
have happened to be in our way. They invariably refused to do so, but
softly and carefully caused them to go. And when asked why they did not
kill them, declined to answer except by a knowing and mysterious smile,
as if afraid to let a stranger into their intimate beliefs inherited
from their ancestors: remembering, perhaps, the fearful treatment
inflicted by fanatical friars on their fathers to oblige them to forego
what they called the superstitions of their race--the idolatrous creed
of their forefathers.

I have had opportunity to discover that their faith in reincarnation, as
many other time-honored credences, still exists among them, unshaken,
notwithstanding the persecutions and tortures suffered by them at the
hands of ignorant and barbaric _Christians_ (?)

I will give two instances when that belief in reincarnation was plainly
manifested.

The day that, after surmounting many difficulties, when my ropes and
cables, made of withes and the bark of the _habin_ tree, were finished
and adjusted to the capstan manufactured of hollow stones and trunks of
trees; and I had placed the ponderous statue of Chaacmol on rollers,
already in position to drag it up the inclined plane made from the
surface of the ground to a few feet above the bottom of the excavation;
my men, actuated by their superstitious fears on the one hand, and
their profound reverence for the memory of their ancestors on the other,
unwilling to see the effigy of one of the great men removed from where
their ancestors had placed it in ages gone by resolved to bury it, by
letting loose the hill of dry stones that formed the body of the
mausoleum, and were kept from falling in the hole by a framework of thin
trunks of trees tied with withes, and in order that it should not be
injured, to capsize it, placing the face downward. They had already
overturned it, when I interfered in time to prevent more mischief, and
even save some of them from certain death; since by cutting loose the
withes that keep the framework together, the sides of the excavation
were bound to fall in, and crush those at the bottom. I honestly think,
knowing their superstitious feelings and propensities, that they had
made up their mind to sacrifice their lives, in order to avoid what they
considered a desecration of the future tenement that the great warrior
and king was yet to inhabit, when time had arrived. In order to overcome
their scruples, and also to prove if my suspicions were correct, that,
as their forefathers and the Egyptians of old, they still believed in
reincarnation, I caused them to accompany me to the summit of the great
pyramid. There is a monument, that served as a castle when the city of
the holy men, the Itzaes, was at the height of its splendor. Every anta,
every pillar and column of this edifice is sculptured with portraits of
warriors and noblemen. Among these many with long beards, whose types
recall vividly to the mind the features of the Afghans.

On one of the antae, at the entrance on the north side, is the portrait
of a warrior wearing a long, straight, pointed beard. The face, like
that of all the personages represented in the bas-reliefs, is in
profile. I placed my head against the stone so as to present the same
position of my face as that of UXAN, and called the attention of my
Indians to the similarity of his and my own features. They followed
every lineament of the faces with their fingers to the very point of the
beard, and soon uttered an exclamation of astonishment: "_Thou!_
_here!_" and slowly scanned again the features sculptured on the stone
and my own.

"_So, so,_" they said, "_thou too art one of our great men, who has been
disenchanted. Thou, too, wert a companion of the great Lord Chaacmol.
That is why thou didst know where he was hidden; and thou hast come to
disenchant him also. His time to live again on earth has then arrived._"

From that moment every word of mine was implicitly obeyed. They returned
to the excavation, and worked with such a good will, that they soon
brought up the ponderous statue to the surface.

A few days later some strange people made their appearance suddenly and
noiselessly in our midst. They emerged from the thicket one by one.
Colonel _Don_ Felipe Diaz, then commander of the troops covering the
eastern frontier, had sent me, a couple of days previous, a written
notice, that I still preserve in my power, that tracks of hostile
Indians had been discovered by his scouts, advising me to keep a sharp
look out, lest they should surprise us. Now, to be on the look out in
the midst of a thick, well-nigh impenetrable forest, is a rather
difficult thing to do, particularly with only a few men, and where there
is no road; yet all being a road for the enemy. Warning my men that
danger was near, and to keep their loaded rifles at hand, we continued
our work as usual, leaving the rest to destiny.

On seeing the strangers, my men rushed on their weapons, but noticing
that the visitors had no guns, but only their _machetes_, I gave orders
not to hurt them. At their head was a very old man: his hair was gray,
his eyes blue with age. He would not come near the statue, but stood at
a distance as if awe-struck, hat in hand, looking at it. After a long
time he broke out, speaking to his own people: "This, boys, is one of
the great men we speak to you about." Then the young men came forward,
with great respect kneeled at the feet of the statue, and pressed their
lips against them.

Putting aside my own weapons, being consequently unarmed, I went to the
old man, and asked him to accompany me up to the castle, offering my arm
to ascend the 100 steep and crumbling stairs. I again placed my face
near that of my stone _Sosis_, and again the same scene was enacted as
with my own men, with this difference, that the strangers fell on their
knees before me, and, in turn, kissed my hand. The old man after a
while, eyeing me respectfully, but steadily, asked me: "Rememberest thou
what happened to thee whilst thou wert enchanted?" It was quite a
difficult question to answer, and yet retain my superior position, for I
did not know how many people might be hidden in the thicket. "Well,
father," I asked him, "dreamest thou sometimes?" He nodded his head in
an affirmative manner. "And when thou awakest, dost thou remember
distinctly thy dreams?" "_Ma_," no! was the answer. "Well, father," I
continued, "so it happened with me. I do not remember what took place
during the time I was enchanted." This answer seemed to satisfy him. I
again gave him my hand to help him down the precipitous stairs, at the
foot of which we separated, wishing them God-speed, and warning them not
to go too near the villages on their way back to their homes, as people
were aware of their presence in the country. Whence they came, I ignore;
where they went, I don't know.

Circumcision was a rite in usage among the Egyptians since very remote
times. The Mayas also practiced it, if we are to credit Fray Luis de
Urreta; yet Cogolludo affirms that in his days the Indians denied
observing such custom. The outward sign of utmost reverence seems to
have been identical amongst both the Mayas and the Egyptians. It
consisted in throwing the left arm across the chest, resting the left
hand on the right shoulder; or the right arm across the chest, the
right hand resting on the left shoulder. Sir Gardner Wilkinson, in his
work above quoted, reproduces various figures in that attitude; and Mr.
Champollion Figeac, in his book on Egypt, tells us that in some cases
even the mummies of certain eminent men were placed in their coffins
with the arms in that position. That this same mark of respect was in
use amongst the Mayas there can be no possible doubt. We see it in the
figures represented in the act of worshiping the mastodon's head, on the
west facade of the monument that forms the north wing of the palace and
museum at Chichen-Itza. We see it repeatedly in the mural paintings in
Chaacmol's funeral chamber; on the slabs sculptured with the
representation of a dying warrior, that adorned the mausoleum of that
chieftain. Cogolludo mentions it in his history of Yucatan, as being
common among the aborigines: and my own men have used it to show their
utmost respect to persons or objects they consider worthy of their
veneration. Among my collection of photographs are several plates in
which some of the men have assumed that position of the arms
spontaneously.

_The sistrum_ was an instrument used by Egyptians and Mayas alike during
the performance of their religious rites and acts of worship. I have
seen it used lately by natives in Yucatan in the dance forming part of
the worship of the sun. The Egyptians enclosed the brains, entrails and
viscera of the deceased in funeral vases, called _canopas_, that were
placed in the tombs with the coffin. When I opened Chaacmol's mausoleum
I found, as I have already said, two stone urns, the one near the head
containing the remains of brains, that near the chest those of the heart
and other viscera. This fact would tend to show again a similar custom
among the Mayas and Egyptians, who, besides, placed with the body an
empty vase--symbol that the deceased had been judged and found
righteous. This vase, held between the hands of the statue of Chaacmol,
is also found held in the same manner by many other statues of
different individuals. It was customary with the Egyptians to deposit in
the tombs the implements of the trade or profession of the deceased. So
also with the Mayas--if a priest, they placed books; if a warrior, his
weapons; if a mechanic, the tools of his art,[TN-23]

The Egyptians adorned the tombs of the rich--which generally consisted
of one or two chambers--with sculptures and paintings reciting the names
and the history of the life of the personage to whom the tomb belonged.
The mausoleum of Chaacmol, interiorly, was composed of three different
superposed apartments, with their floors of concrete well leveled,
polished and painted with yellow ochre; and exteriorly was adorned with
magnificent bas-reliefs, representing his totem and that of his
wife--dying warriors--the whole being surrounded by the image of a
feathered serpent--_Can_, his family name, whilst the walls of the two
apartments, or funeral chambers, in the monument raised to his memory,
were decorated with fresco paintings, representing not only Chaacmol's
own life, but the manners, customs, mode of dressing of his
contemporaries; as those of the different nations with which they were
in communication: distinctly recognizable by their type, stature and
other peculiarities. The portraits of the great and eminent men of his
time are sculptured on the jambs and lintels of the doors, represented
life-size.

In Egypt it was customary to paint the sculptures, either on stone or
wood, with bright colors--yellow, blue, red, green predominating. In
Mayab the same custom prevailed, and traces of these colors are still
easily discernible on the sculptures; whilst they are still very
brilliant on the beautiful and highly polished stucco of the walls in
the rooms of certain monuments at Chichen-Itza. The Maya artists seem to
have used mostly vegetable colors; yet they also employed ochres as
pigments, and cinnabar--we having found such metallic colors in
Chaacmol's mausoleum. Mrs. Le Plongeon still preserves some in her
possession. From where they procured it is more than we can tell at
present.

The wives and daughters of the Egyptian kings and noblemen considered it
an honor to assist in the temples and religious ceremonies: one of their
principal duties being to play the sistrum.

We find that in Yucatan, _Nicte_ (flower) the sister of _Chaacmol_,
assisted her elder brother, _Cay_, the pontiff, in the sanctuary, her
name being always associated with his in the inscriptions which adorn
the western facade of that edifice at Uxmal, as that of her sister,
_Mo_,[TN-24] is with Chaacmol's in some of the monuments at Chichen.

Cogolludo, when speaking of the priestesses, _virgins of the sun_,
mentions a tradition that seems to refer to _Nicte_, stating that the
daughter of a king, who remained during all her life in the temple,
obtained after her death the honor of apotheosis, and was worshiped
under the name of _Zuhuy-Kak_ (the fire-virgin), and became the goddess
of the maidens, who were recommended to her care.

As in Egypt, the kings and heroes were worshiped in Mayab after their
death; temples and pyramids being raised to their memory. Cogolludo
pretends that the lower classes adored fishes, snakes, tigers and other
abject animals, "even the devil himself, which appeared to them in
horrible forms" ("Historia de Yucatan," book IV., chap. vii.)

Judging from the sculptures and mural paintings, the higher classes in
_Mayab_ wore, in very remote ages, dresses of quite an elaborate
character. Their under garment consisted of short trowsers, reaching the
middle of the thighs. At times these trowsers were highly ornamented
with embroideries and fringes, as they formed their only article of
clothing when at home; over these they wore a kind of kilt, very similar
to that used by the inhabitants of the Highlands in Scotland. It was
fastened to the waist with wide ribbons, tied behind in a knot forming a
large bow, the ends of which reached to the ankles. Their shoulders
were covered with a tippet falling to the elbows, and fastened on the
chest by means of a brooch. Their feet were protected by sandals, kept
in place by ropes or ribbons, passing between the big toe and the next,
and between the third and fourth, then brought up so as to encircle the
ankles. They were tied in front, forming a bow on the instep. Some wore
leggings, others garters and anklets made of feathers, generally yellow;
sometimes, however, they may have been of gold. Their head gears were of
different kinds, according to their rank and dignity. Warriors seem to
have used wide bands, tied behind the head with two knots, as we see in
the statue of Chaacmol, and in the bas-reliefs that adorn the queen's
chamber at Chichen. The king's coiffure was a peaked cap, that seems to
have served as model for the _pschent_, that symbol of domination over
the lower Egypt; with this difference, however, that in Mayab the point
formed the front, and in Egypt the back.

The common people in Mayab, as in Egypt, were indeed little troubled by
their garments. These consisted merely of a simple girdle tied round the
loins, the ends falling before and behind to the middle of the thighs.
Sometimes they also used the short trowsers; and, when at work, wrapped
a piece of cloth round their loins, long enough to cover their legs to
the knees. This costume was completed by wearing a square cloth, tied on
one of the shoulders by two of its corners. It served as cloak. To-day
the natives of Yucatan wear the same dress, with but slight
modifications. While the aborigines of the _Tierra de Guerra_, who still
preserve the customs of their forefathers, untainted by foreign
admixture, use the same garments, of their own manufacture, that we see
represented in the bas-reliefs of Chichen and Uxmal, and in the mural
paintings of _Mayab_ and Egypt.

Divination by the inspection of the entrails of victims, and the study
of omens were considered by the Egyptians as important branches of
learning. The soothsayers formed a respected order of the priesthood.
From the mural paintings at Chichen, and from the works of the
chroniclers, we learn that the Mayas also had several manners of
consulting fate. One of the modes was by the inspection of the entrails
of victims; another by the manner of the cracking of the shell of a
turtle or armadillo by the action of fire, as among the Chinese. (In the
_Hong-fan_ or "the great and sublime doctrine," one of the books of the
_Chou-king_, the ceremonies of _Pou_ and _Chi_ are described at length).
The Mayas had also their astrologers and prophets. Several prophecies,
purporting to have been made by their priests, concerning the preaching
of the Gospel among the people of Mayab, have reached us, preserved in
the works of Landa, Lizana, and Cogolludo. There we also read that, even
at the time of the Spanish conquest, they came from all parts of the
country, and congregated at the shrine of _Kinich-kakmo_, the deified
daughter of CAN, to listen to the oracles delivered by her through the
mouths of her priests and consult her on future events. By the
examination of the mural paintings, we know that _animal magnetism_ was
understood and practiced by the priests, who, themselves, seem to have
consulted clairvoyants.

The learned priests of Egypt are said to have made considerable progress
in astronomical sciences.

The _gnomon_, discovered by me in December, last year, in the ruined
city of Mayapan, would tend to prove that the learned men of Mayab were
not only close observers of the march of the celestial bodies and good
mathematicians; but that their attainments in astronomy were not
inferior to those of their brethren of Chaldea. Effectively the
construction of the gnomon shows that they had found the means of
calculating the latitude of places, that they knew the distance of the
solsticeal points from the equator; they had found that the greatest
angle of declination of the sun, 23 deg. 27', occurred when that
luminary reached the tropics where, during nearly three days, said angle
of declination does not vary, for which reason they said that the _sun_
had arrived at his resting place.

The Egyptians, it is said, in very remote ages, divided the year by
lunations, as the Mayas, who divided their civil year into eighteen
months, of twenty days, that they called U--moon--to which they added
five supplementary days, that they considered unlucky. From an epoch so
ancient that it is referred to the fabulous time of their history, the
Egyptians adopted the solar year, dividing it into twelve months, of
thirty days, to which they added, at the end of the last month, called
_Mesore_, five days, named _Epact_.

By a most remarkable coincidence, the Egyptians, as the Mayas,
considered these additive five days _unlucky_.

Besides this solar year they had a sideral or sothic year, composed of
365 days and 6 hours, which corresponds exactly to the Mayas[TN-25]
sacred year, that Landa tells us was also composed of 365 days and 6
hours; which they represented in the gnomon of Mayapan by the line that
joins the centers of the stela that forms it.

The Egyptians, in their computations, calculated by a system of _fives_
and _tens_; the Mayas by a system of _fives_ and _twenties_, to four
hundred. Their sacred number appears to have been 13 from the remotest
antiquity, but SEVEN seems to have been a _mystic number_ among them as
among the Hindoos, Aryans, Chaldeans, Egyptians, and other nations.

The Egyptians made use of a septenary system in the arrangement of the
grand gallery in the center of the great pyramid. Each side of the wall
is made of seven courses of finely polished stones, the one above
overlapping that below, thus forming the triangular ceiling common to
all the edifices in Yucatan. This gallery is said to be seven times the
height of the other passages, and, as all the rooms in Uxmal, Chichen
and other places in Mayab, it is seven-sided. Some authors pretend to
assume that this well marked septenary system has reference to the
_Pleiades_ or _Seven stars_. _Alcyone_, the central star of the group,
being, it is said, on the same meridian as the pyramid, when it was
constructed, and _Alpha_ of Draconis, the then pole star, at its lower
culmination.

But if, as the Rev. Joseph A. Seiss and others pretend, the scientific
attainments required for the construction of such enduring monument
surpassed those of the learned men of Egypt, we must, of necessity,
believe that the architect who conceived the plan and carried out its
designs must have acquired his knowledge from an older people,
possessing greater learning than the priests of Memphis; unless we try
to persuade ourselves, as the reverend gentleman wishes us to, that the
great pyramid was built under the direct inspiration of the Almighty.

Nearly all the monuments of Yucatan bear evidence that the Mayas had a
predilection for number SEVEN. Since we find that their artificial
mounds were composed of seven superposed platforms; that the city of
Uxmal contained seven of these mounds; that the north side of the palace
of King CAN was adorned with seven turrets; that the entwined serpents,
his totem, which adorn the east facade of the west wing of this
building, have seven rattles; that the head-dress of kings and queens
were adorned with seven blue feathers; in a word, that the number SEVEN
prevails in all places and in everything where Maya influence has
predominated.

It is a FACT, and one that may not be altogether devoid of significance,
that this number SEVEN seems to have been the mystic number of many of
the nations of antiquity. It has even reached our times as such, being
used as symbol[TN-26] by several of the secret societies existing among
us.

If we look back through the vista of ages to the dawn of civilized life
in the countries known as the _old world_, we find this number SEVEN
among the Asiatic nations as well as in Egypt and Mayab. Effectively, in
Babylon, the celebrated temple of _the seven lights_ was made of _seven_
stages or platforms. In the hierarchy of Mazdeism, the _seven marouts_,
or genii of the winds, the _seven amschaspands_; then among the Aryans
and their descendants, the _seven horses_ that drew the chariot of the
sun, the _seven apris_ or shape of the flame, the _seven rays_ of Agni,
the _seven manons_ or criators of the Vedas; among the Hebrews, the
_seven days_ of the creation, the _seven lamps_ of the ark and of
Zacharias's vision, the _seven branches_ of the golden candlestick, the
_seven days_ of the feast of the dedication of the temple of Solomon,
the _seven years_ of plenty, the _seven years_ of famine; in the
Christian dispensation, the _seven_ churches with the _seven_ angels at
their head, the _seven_ golden candlesticks, the _seven seals_ of the
book, the _seven_ trumpets of the angels, the _seven heads_ of the beast
that rose from the sea, the _seven vials_ full of the wrath of God, the
_seven_ last plagues of the Apocalypse; in the Greek mythology, the
_seven_ heads of the hydra, killed by Hercules, etc.

The origin of the prevalence of that number SEVEN amongst all the
nations of earth, even the most remote from each other, has never been
satisfactorily explained, each separate people giving it a different
interpretation, according to their belief and to the tenets of their
religious creeds. As far as the Mayas are concerned, I think to have
found that it originated with the _seven_ members of CAN'S family, who
were the founders of the principal cities of _Mayab_, and to each of
whom was dedicated a mound in Uxmal and a turret in their palace. Their
names, according to the inscriptions carved on the monuments raised by
them at Uxmal and Chichen, were--CAN (serpent) and [C]OZ (bat), his
wife, from whom were born CAY (fish), the pontiff; AAK (turtle), who
became the governor of Uxmal; CHAACMOL (leopard), the warrior, who
became the husband of his sister MOO (macaw), the Queen of _Chichen_,
worshiped after her death at Izamal; and NICTE (flower), the priestess
who, under the name of _Zuhuy-Kuk_, became the goddess of the maidens.

The Egyptians, in expressing their ideas in writing, used three
different kinds of characters--phonetic, ideographic and
symbolic--placed either in vertical columns or in horizontal lines, to
be read from right to left, from left to right, as indicated by the
position of the figures of men or animals. So, also, the Mayas in their
writings employed phonetic, symbolic and ideographic signs, combining
these often, forming monograms as we do to-day, placing them in such a
manner as best suited the arrangement of the ornamentation of the facade
of the edifices. At present we can only speak with certainty of the
monumental inscriptions, the books that fell in the hands of the
ecclesiastics at the time of the conquest having been destroyed. No
truly genuine written monuments of the Mayas are known to exist, except
those inclosed within the sealed apartments, where the priests and
learned men of MAYAB hid them from the _Nahualt_ or _Toltec_ invaders.

As the Egyptians, they wrote in vertical columns and horizontal lines,
to be read generally from right to left. The space of this small essay
does not allow me to enter in more details; they belong naturally to a
work of different nature. Let it therefore suffice, for the present
purpose, to state that the comparative study of the language of the
Mayas led us to suspect that, as it contains words belonging to nearly
all the known languages of antiquity, and with exactly the same meaning,
in their mode of writing might be found letters or characters or signs
used in those tongues. Studying with attention the photographs made by
us of the inscriptions of Uxmal and Chichen, we were not long in
discovering that our surmises were indeed correct. The inscriptions,
written in squares or parallelograms, that might well have served as
models for the ancient hieratic Chaldeans, of the time of King Uruck,
seem to contain ancient Chaldee, Egyptian and Etruscan characters,
together with others that seem to be purely Mayab.

Applying these known characters to the decipherment of the inscriptions,
giving them their accepted value, we soon found that the language in
which they are written is, in the main, the vernacular of the aborigines
of Yucatan and other parts of Central America to-day. Of course, the
original mother tongue having suffered some alterations, in consequence
of changes in customs induced by time, invasions, intercourse with other
nations, and the many other natural causes that are known to affect
man's speech.

The Mayas and the Egyptians had many signs and characters identical;
possessing the same alphabetical and symbolical value in both nations.
Among the symbolical, I may cite a few: _water_, _country or region_,
_king_, _Lord_, _offerings_, _splendor_, the _various emblems of the
sun_ and many others. Among the alphabetical, a very large number of the
so-called Demotic, by Egyptologists, are found even in the inscription
of the _Akab[c]ib_ at Chichen; and not a few of the most ancient
Egyptian hieroglyphs in the mural inscriptions at Uxmal. In these I have
been able to discover the Egyptian characters corresponding to our own.

A a, B, C, CH or K, D, T, I, L, M, N, H, P, TZ, PP, U, OO, X, having the
same sound and value as in the Spanish language, with the exception of
the K, TZ, PP and X, which are pronounced in a way peculiar to the
Mayas. The inscriptions also contain these letters, A, I, X and PP
identical to the corresponding in the Etruscan alphabet. The finding of
the value of these characters has enabled me to decipher, among other
things, the names of the founders of the city of UXMAL; as that of the
city itself. This is written apparently in two different ways: whilst,
in fact, the sculptors have simply made use of two homophone signs,
notwithstanding dissimilar, of the letter M. As to the name of the
founders, not only are they written in alphabetical characters, but also
in ideographic, since they are accompanied in many instances by the
totems of the personages: e. g[TN-27] for AAK, which means turtle, is the
image of a turtle; for CAY (fish), the image of a fish; for Chaacmol
(leopard) the image of a leopard; and so on, precluding the possibility
of misinterpretation.

Having found that the language of the inscriptions was Maya, of course
I had no difficulty in giving to each letter its proper phonetic value,
since, as I have already said, Maya is still the vernacular of the
people.

I consider that the few facts brought together will suffice at present
to show, if nothing else, a strange similarity in the workings of the
mind in these two nations. But if these remarkable coincidences are not
merely freaks of hazard, we will be compelled to admit that one people
must have learned it from the other. Then will naturally arise the
questions, Which the teacher? Which the pupil? The answer will not only
solve an ethnological problem, but decide the question of priority.

I will now briefly refer to the myth of Osiris, the son of _Seb and
Nut_, the brother of _Aroeris_, the elder _Horus_, of _Typho_, of
_Isis_, and of _Nephthis_, named also NIKE. The authors have given
numerous explanations, result of fancy; of the mythological history of
that god, famous throughout Egypt. They made him a personification of
the inundations of the NILE; ISIS, his wife and sister, that of the
irrigated portion of the land of Egypt; their sister, _Nephthis_, that
of the barren edge of the desert occasionally fertilized by the waters
of the Nile; his brother and murderer _Tipho_, that of the sea which
swallows up the _Nile_.

Leaving aside the mythical lores, with which the priests of all times
and all countries cajole the credulity of ignorant and superstitious
people, we find that among the traditions of the past, treasured in the
mysterious recesses of the temples, is a history of the life of Osiris
on Earth. Many wise men of our days have looked upon it as fabulous. I
am not ready to say whether it is or it is not; but this I can assert,
that, in many parts, it tallies marvelously with that of the culture
hero of the Mayas.

It will be said, no doubt, that this remarkable similarity is a mere
coincidence. But how are we to dispose of so many coincidences? What
conclusion, if any, are we to draw from this concourse of so many
strange similes?

In this case, I cannot do better than to quote, verbatim, from Sir
Gardner Wilkinson's work, chap. xiii:

     "_Osiris_, having become King of Egypt, applied himself towards
     civilizing his countrymen, by turning them from their former
     barbarous course of life, teaching them, moreover, to cultivate and
     improve the fruits of the earth. * * * * * With the same good
     disposition, he afterwards traveled over the rest of the world,
     inducing the people everywhere to submit to his discipline, by the
     mildest persuasion."

The rest of the story relates to the manner of his killing by his
brother Typho, the disposal of his remains, the search instituted by his
wife to recover the body, how it was stolen again from her by _Typho_,
who cut him to pieces, scattering them over the earth, of the final
defeat of Typho by Osiris's son, Horus.

Reading the description, above quoted, of the endeavors of Osiris to
civilize the world, who would not imagine to be perusing the traditions
of the deeds of the culture heroes _Kukulean_[TN-28] and Quetzalcoatl of
the Mayas and of the Aztecs? Osiris was particularly worshiped at Philo,
where the history of his life is curiously illustrated in the sculptures
of a small retired chamber, lying nearly over the western adytum of the
temple, just as that of Chaacmol in the mural paintings of his funeral
chamber, the bas-reliefs of what once was his mausoleum, in those of the
queen's chamber and of her box in the tennis court at Chichen.

     "The mysteries of Osiris were divided into the greater and less
     mysteries. Before admission into the former, it was necessary that
     the initiated should have passed through all the gradations of the
     latter. But to merit this great honor, much was expected of the
     candidate, and many even of the priesthood were unable to obtain
     it. Besides the proofs of a virtuous life, other recommendations
     were required, and to be admitted to all the grades of the higher
     mysteries was the greatest honor to which any one could aspire. It
     was from these that the mysteries of Eleusis were borrowed."
     Wilkinson, chap. xiii.

In Mayab there also existed mysteries, as proved by symbols discovered
in the month of June last by myself in the monument generally called the
_Dwarf's House_, at Uxmal. It seemed that the initiated had to pass
through different gradations to reach the highest or third; if we are to
judge by the number of rooms dedicated to their performance, and the
disposition of said rooms. The strangest part, perhaps, of this
discovery is the information it gives us that certain signs and symbols
were used by the affiliated, that are perfectly identical to those used
among the masons in their symbolical lodges. I have lately published in
_Harper's Weekly_, a full description of the building, with plans of the
same, and drawings of the signs and symbols existing in it. These secret
societies exist still among the _Zunis_ and other Pueblo Indians of New
Mexico, according to the relations of Mr. Frank H. Cushing, a gentleman
sent by the Smithsonian Institution to investigate their customs and
history. In order to comply with the mission intrusted to him, Mr.
Cushing has caused his adoption in the tribe of the Zunis, whose
language he has learned, whose habits he has adopted. Among the other
remarkable things he has discovered is "the existence of twelve sacred
orders, with their priests and their secret rites as carefully guarded
as the secrets of freemasonry, an institution to which these orders have
a strange resemblance." (From the New York _Times_.)

If from Egypt we pass to Nubia, we find that the peculiar battle ax of
the Mayas was also used by the warriors of that country; whilst many of
the customs of the inhabitants of equatorial Africa, as described by Mr.
DuChaillu[TN-29] in the relation of his voyage to the "Land of Ashango,"
so closely resemble those of the aborigines of Yucatan as to suggest
that intimate relations must have existed, in very remote ages, between
their ancestors; if the admixture of African blood, clearly discernible
still, among the natives of certain districts of the peninsula, did not
place that _fact_ without the peradventure of a doubt. We also see
figures in the mural paintings, at Chichen, with strongly marked African
features.

We learned by the discovery of the statue of Chaacmol, and that of the
priestess found by me at the foot of the altar in front of the shrine
of _Ix-cuina_, the Maya Venus, situated at the south end of _Isla
Mugeres_, it was customary with persons of high rank to file their teeth
in sharp points like a saw. We read in the chronicles that this fashion
still prevailed after the Spanish conquest; and then by little and
little fell into disuse. Travelers tells us that it is yet in vogue
among many of the tribes in the interior of South America; particularly
those whose names seem to connect with the ancient Caribs or Carians.

Du Chaillu asserts that the Ashangos, those of Otamo, the Apossos, the
Fans, and many other tribes of equatorial Africa, consider it a mark of
beauty to file their front teeth in a sharp point. He presents the Fans
as confirmed cannibals. We are told, and the bas-reliefs on Chaacmol's
mausoleum prove it, that the Mayas devoured the hearts of their fallen
enemies. It is said that, on certain grand occasions, after offering the
hearts of their victims to the idols, they abandoned the bodies to the
people, who feasted upon them. But it must be noticed that these
last-mentioned customs seemed to have been introduced in the country by
the Nahualts and Aztecs; since, as yet, we have found nothing in the
mural paintings to cause us to believe that the Mayas indulged in such
barbaric repasts, beyond the eating of their enemies' hearts.

The Mayas were, and their descendants are still, confirmed believers in
witchcraft. In December, last year, being at the hacienda of
X-Kanchacan, where are situated the ruins of the ancient city of
Mayapan, a sick man was brought to me. He came most reluctantly, stating
that he knew what was the matter with him: that he was doomed to die
unless the spell was removed. He was emaciated, seemed to suffer from
malarial fever, then prevalent in the place, and from the presence of
tapeworm. I told him I could restore him to health if he would heed my
advice. The fellow stared at me for some time, trying to find out,
probably, if I was a stronger wizard than the _H-Men_ who had bewitched
him. He must have failed to discover on my face the proverbial
distinctive marks great sorcerers are said to possess; for, with an
incredulous grin, stretching his thin lips tighter over his teeth, he
simply replied: "No use--I am bewitched--there is no remedy for me."

Mr. Du Chaillu, speaking of the superstitions of the inhabitants of
Equatorial Africa, says: "The greatest curse of the whole country is the
belief in sorcery or witchcraft. If the African is once possessed with
the belief that he is bewitched his whole nature seems to change. He
becomes suspicious of his dearest friends. He fancies himself sick, and
really often becomes sick through his fears. At least seventy-five per
cent of the deaths in all the tribes are murders for supposed sorcery."
In that they differ from the natives of Yucatan, who respect wizards
because of their supposed supernatural powers.

From the most remote antiquity, as we learn from the writings of the
chroniclers, in all sacred ceremonies the Mayas used to make copious
libations with _Balche_. To-day the aborigines still use it in the
celebrations of their ancient rites. _Balche_ is a liquor made from the
bark of a tree called Balche, soaked in water, mixed with honey and left
to ferment. It is their beverage _par excellence_. The nectar drank by
the God of Greek Mythology.

Du Chaillu, speaking of the recovery to health of the King of _Mayo_lo,
a city in which he resided for some time, says: "Next day he was so much
elated with the improvement in his health that he got tipsy on a
fermented beverage which he had prepared two days before he had fallen
ill, and which he made by _mixing honey and water, and adding to it
pieces of bark of a certain tree_." (Journey to Ashango Land, page 183.)

I will remark here that, by a strange _coincidence_, we not only find
that the inhabitants of Equatorial Africa have customs identical with
the MAYAS, but that the name of one of their cities MAYO_lo_, seems to
be a corruption of MAYAB.

The Africans make offerings upon the graves of their departed friends,
where they deposit furniture, dress and food--and sometimes slay slaves,
men and women, over the graves of kings and chieftains, with the belief
that their spirits join that of him in whose honor they have been
sacrificed.

I have already said that it was customary with the Mayas to place in the
tombs part of the riches of the deceased and the implements of his trade
or profession; and that the great quantity of blood found scattered
round the slab on which the statue of Chaacmol is reclining would tend
to suggest that slaves were sacrificed at his funeral.

The Mayas of old were wont to abandon the house where a person had died.
Many still observe that same custom when they can afford to do so; for
they believe that the spirit of the departed hovers round it.

The Africans also abandon their houses, remove even the site of their
villages when death frequently occur;[TN-30] for, say they, the place is
no longer good; and they fear the spirits of those recently deceased.

Among the musical instruments used by the Mayas there were two kinds of
drums--the _Tunkul_ and the _Zacatan_. They are still used by the
aborigines in their religious festivals and dances.

The _Tunkul_ is a cylinder hollowed from the trunk of a tree, so as to
leave it about one inch in thickness all round. It is generally about
four feet in length. On one side two slits are cut, so as to leave
between them a strip of about four inches in width, to within six inches
from the ends; this strip is divided in the middle, across, so as to
form, as it were, tongues. It is by striking on those tongues with two
balls of india-rubber, attached to the end of sticks, that the
instrument is played. The volume of sound produced is so great that it
can be heard, is[TN-31] is said, at a distance of six miles in calm
weather. The _Zacatan_ is another sort of drum, also hollowed from the
trunk of a tree. This is opened at both ends. On one end a piece of
skin is tightly stretched. It is by beating on the skin with the hand,
the instrument being supported between the legs of the drummer, in a
slanting position, that it is played.

Du Chaillu, Stanley and other travelers in Africa tell us that, in case
of danger and to call the clans together, the big war drum is beaten,
and is heard many miles around. Du Chaillu asserts having seen one of
these _Ngoma_, formed of a hollow log, nine feet long, at Apono; and
describes a _Fan_ drum which corresponds to the _Zacatan_ of the Mayas
as follows: "The cylinder was about four feet long and ten inches in
diameter at one end, but only seven at the other. The wood was hollowed
out quite thin, and the skin stretched over tightly. To beat it the
drummer held it slantingly between his legs, and with two sticks
beats[TN-32] furiously upon the upper, which was the larger end of the
cylinder."

We have the counterpart of the fetish houses, containing the skulls of
the ancestors and some idol or other, seen by Du Chaillu, in African
towns, in the small huts constructed at the entrance of all the villages
in Yucatan. These huts or shrines contain invariably a crucifix; at
times the image of some saint, often a skull. The last probably to cause
the wayfarer to remember he has to die; and that, as he cannot carry
with him his worldly treasures on the other side of the grave, he had
better deposit some in the alms box firmly fastened at the foot of the
cross. Cogolludo informs us these little shrines were anciently
dedicated to the god of lovers, of histrions, of dancers, and an
infinity of small idols that were placed at the entrance of the
villages, roads and staircases of the temples and other parts.

Even the breed of African dogs seems to be the same as that of the
native dogs of Yucatan. Were I to describe these I could not make use of
more appropriate words than the following of Du Chaillu: "The pure bred
native dog is small, has long straight ears, long muzzle and long curly
tail; the hair is short and the color yellowish; the pure breed being
known by the clearness of his color. They are always lean, and are kept
very short of food by their owners. * * * Although they have quick ears;
I don't think highly of their scent. They are good watch dogs."

I could continue this list of similes, but methinks those already
mentioned as sufficient for the present purpose. I will therefore close
it by mentioning this strange belief that Du Chaillu asserts exists
among the African warriors: "_The charmed leopard's skin worn about the
warrior's middle is supposed to render that worthy spear-proof._"

Let us now take a brief retrospective glance at the FACTS mentioned in
the foregoing pages. They seem to teach us that, in ages so remote as to
be well nigh lost in the abyss of the past, the _Mayas_ were a great and
powerful nation, whose people had reached a high degree of civilization.
That it is impossible for us to form a correct idea of their
attainments, since only the most enduring monuments, built by them, have
reached us, resisting the disintegrating action of time and atmosphere.
That, as the English of to-day, they had colonies all over the earth;
for we find their name, their traditions, their customs and their
language scattered in many distant countries, among whose inhabitants
they apparently exercised considerable civilizing influence, since they
gave names to their gods, to their tribes, to their cities.

We cannot doubt that the colonists carried with them the old traditions
of the mother country, and the history of the founders of their
nationality; since we find them in the countries where they seem to have
established large settlements soon after leaving the land of their
birth. In course of time these traditions have become disfigured,
wrapped, as it were, in myths, creations of fanciful and untutored
imaginations, as in Hindostan: or devises of crafty priests, striving to
hide the truth from the ignorant mass of the people, fostering their
superstitions, in order to preserve unbounded and undisputed sway over
them, as in Egypt.

In Hindostan, for example, we find the Maya custom of carrying the
children astride on the hips of the nurses. That of recording the vow of
the devotees, or of imploring the blessings of deity by the imprint of
the hand, dipped in red liquid, stamped on the walls of the shrines and
palaces. The worship of the mastodon, still extant in India, Siam,
Burmah, as in the worship of _Ganeza_, the god of knowledge, with an
elephant head, degenerated in that of the elephant itself.

Still extant we find likewise the innate propensity of the Mayas to
exclude all foreigners from their country; even to put to death those
who enter their territories (as do, even to-day, those of Santa Cruz and
the inhabitants of the Tierra de Guerra) as the emissaries of Rama were
informed by the friend of the owner of the country, the widow of the
_great architect_, MAYA, whose name HEMA means in the Maya language "she
who places ropes across the roads to impede the passage." Even the
history of the death of her husband MAYA, killed with a thunderbolt, by
the god _Pourandara_, whose jealousy was aroused by his love for her and
their marriage, recalls that of _Chaacmol_, the husband of _Moo_, killed
by their brother Aac, by being stabbed by him three times in the back
with a spear, through jealousy--for he also loved _Moo_.

Some Maya tribes, after a time, probably left their home at the South of
Hindostan and emigrated to Afghanistan, where their descendants still
live and have villages on the North banks of the river _Kabul_. They
left behind old traditions, that they may have considered as mere
fantasies of their poets, and other customs of their forefathers. Yet we
know so little about the ancient Afghans, or the Maya tribes living
among them, that it is impossible at present to say how much, if any,
they have preserved of the traditions of their race. All we know for a
certainty is that many of the names of their villages and tribes are
pure American-Maya words: that their types are very similar to the
features of the bearded men carved on the pillars of the castle, and on
the walls of other edifices at Chichen-Itza: while their warlike habits
recall those of the Mayas, who fought so bravely and tenaciously the
Spanish invaders.

Some of the Maya tribes, traveling towards the west and northwest,
reached probably the shores of Ethiopia; while others, entering the
Persian Gulf, landed near the embouchure of the Euphrates, and founded
their primitive capital at a short distance from it. They called it _Hur
(Hula) city of guests just arrived_--and according to Berosus gave
themselves the name of _Khaldi_; probably because they intrenched their
city: _Kal_ meaning intrenchment in the American-Maya language. We have
seen that the names of all the principal deities of the primitive
Chaldeans had a natural etymology in that tongue. Such strange
coincidences cannot be said to be altogether accidental. Particularly
when we consider that their learned men were designated as MAGI, (Mayas)
and their Chief _Rab-Mag_, meaning, in Maya, the _old man_; and were
great architects, mathematicians and astronomers. As again we know of
them but imperfectly, we cannot tell what traditions they had preserved
of the birthplace of their forefathers. But by the inscriptions on the
tablets or bricks, found at Mugheir and Warka, we know for a certainty
that, in the archaic writings, they formed their characters of straight
lines of uniform thickness; and inclosed their sentences in squares or
parallelograms, as did the founders of the ruined cities of Yucatan. And
from the signet cylinder of King Urukh, that their mode of dressing was
identical with that of many personages represented in the mural
paintings at Chichen-Itza.

We have traced the MAYAS again on the shores of Asia Minor, where the
CARIANS at last established themselves, after having spread terror among
the populations bordering on the Mediterranean. Their origin is unknown:
but their customs were so similar to those of the inhabitants of Yucatan
at the time even of the Spanish conquest--and their names CAR, _Carib_
or _Carians_, so extensively spread over the western continent, that we
might well surmise, that, navigators as they were, they came from those
parts of the world; particularly when we are told by the Greek poets and
historians, that the goddess MAIA was the daughter of _Atlantis_. We
have seen that the names of the khati, those of their cities, that of
Tyre, and finally that of Egypt, have their etymology in the Maya.

Considering the numerous coincidences already pointed out, and many more
I could bring forth, between the attainments and customs of the Mayas
and the Egyptians; in view also of the fact that the priests and learned
men of Egypt constantly pointed toward the WEST as the birthplace of
their ancestors, it would seem as if a colony, starting from Mayab, had
emigrated Eastward, and settled on the banks of the Nile; just as the
Chinese to-day, quitting their native land and traveling toward the
rising sun, establish themselves in America.

In Egypt again, as in Hindostan, we find the history of the children of
CAN, preserved among the secret traditions treasured up by the priests
in the dark recesses of their temples: the same story, even with all its
details. It is TYPHO who kills his brother OSIRIS, the husband of their
sister ISIS. Some of the names only have been changed when the members
of the royal family of CAN, the founder of the cities of Mayab, reaching
apotheosis, were presented to the people as gods, to be worshiped.

That the story of _Isis_ and _Osiris_ is a mythical account of CHAACMOL
and MOO, from all the circumstances connected with it, according to the
relations of the priests of Egypt that tally so closely with what we
learn in Chichen-Itza from the bas-reliefs, it seems impossible to
doubt.

Effectively, _Osiris_ and _Isis_ are considered as king and queen of the
Amenti--the region of the West--the mansion of the dead, of the
ancestors. Whatever may be the etymology of the name of Osiris, it is a
_fact_, that in the sculptures he is often represented with a spotted
skin suspended near him, and Diodorus Siculus says: "That the skin is
usually represented without the head; but some instances where this is
introduced show it to be the _leopard's_ or _panther's_." Again, the
name of Osiris as king of the West, of the Amenti, is always written, in
hieroglyphic characters, representing a crouching _leopard_ with an eye
above it. It is also well known that the priests of Osiris wore a
_leopard_ skin as their ceremonial dress.

Now, Chaacmol reigned with his sister Moo, at Chichen-Itza, in Mayab, in
the land of the West for Egypt. The name _Chaacmol_ means, in Maya, a
_Spotted_ tiger, a _leopard_; and he is represented as such in all his
totems in the sculptures on the monuments; his shield being made of the
skin of leopard, as seen in the mural paintings.

Osiris, in Egypt, is a myth. Chaacmol, in Mayab, a reality. A warrior
whose mausoleum I have opened; whose weapons and ornaments of jade are
in Mrs. Le Plongeon's possession; whose heart I have found, and sent a
piece of it to be analysed by professor Thompson of Worcester, Mass.;
whose effigy, with his name inscribed on the tablets occupying the place
of the ears, forms now one of the most precious relics in the National
Museum of Mexico.

ISIS was the wife and sister of Osiris. As to the etymology of her name
the Maya affords it in I[C]IN--_the younger sister_. As Queen of the
Amenti, of the West, she also is represented in hieroglyphs by the same
characters as her husband--a _leopard, with an eye above_, and the sign
of the feminine gender an oval or egg. But as a goddess she is always
portrayed with wings; the vulture being dedicated to her; and, as it
were, her totem.

MOO the wife and sister of _Chaacmol_ was the Queen of Chichen. She is
represented on the Mausoleum of Chaacmol as a _Macaw_ (Moo in the Maya
language); also on the monuments at Uxmal: and the chroniclers tell us
that she was worshiped in Izamal under the name of _Kinich-Kakmo_;
reading from right to left the _fiery macaw with eyes like the sun_.

Their protecting spirit is a _Serpent_, the totem of their father CAN.
Another Egyptian divinity, _Apap_ or _Apop_, is represented under the
form of a gigantic serpent covered with wounds. Plutarch in his
treatise, _De Iside et Osiride_, tells us that he was enemy to the sun.

TYPHO was the brother of Osiris and Isis; for jealousy, and to usurp the
throne, he formed a conspiration and killed his brother. He is said to
represent in the Egyptian mythology, the sea, by some; by others, _the
sun_.

AAK (turtle) was also the brother of Chaacmol and _Moo_. For jealousy,
and to usurp the throne, he killed his brother at treason with three
thrusts of his _spear_ in the back. Around the belt of his statue at
Uxmal used to be seen hanging the heads of his brothers CAY and
CHAACMOL, together with that of MOO; whilst his feet rested on their
flayed bodies. In the sculpture he is pictured surrounded by the _Sun_
as his protecting spirit. The escutcheon of Uxmal shows that he called
the place he governed the land of the Sun. In the bas-reliefs of the
Queen's chamber at Chichen his followers are seen to render homage to
the _Sun_; others, the friends of MOO, to the _Serpent_. So, in Mayab as
in Egypt, the _Sun_ and _Serpent_ were inimical. In Egypt again this
enmity was a myth, in Mayab a reality.

AROERIS was the brother of Osiris, Isis and Typho. His business seems to
have been that of a peace-maker.

CAY was also the brother of _Chaacmol_, _Moo_ and _Aac_. He was the high
pontiff, and sided with Chaacmol and Moo in their troubles, as we learn
from the mural paintings, from his head and flayed body serving as
trophy to Aac as I have just said.

In June last, among the ruins of _Uxmal_, I discovered a magnificent
bust of this personage; and I believe I know the place where his remains
are concealed.

NEPHTHIS was the sister of Isis, Osiris, Typho, and Aroeris, and the
wife of Typho; but being in love with Osiris she managed to be taken to
his embraces, and she became pregnant. That intrigue having been
discovered by Isis, she adopted the child that Nephthis, fearing the
anger of her husband, had hidden, brought him up as her own under the
name of Anubis. Nephthis was also called NIKE by some.

NIC or NICTE was the sister of _Chaacmol_, _Moo_, _Aac_, and _Cay_, with
whose name I find always her name associated in the sculptures on the
monuments. Here the analogy between these personages would seem to
differ, still further study of the inscriptions may yet prove the
Egyptian version to contain some truth. _Nic_ or _Nicte_[TN-33] means
flower; a cast of her face, with a flower sculptured on one cheek,
exists among my collections.

We are told that three children were born to Isis and Osiris: Horus,
Macedo, and Harpocrates. Well, in the scene painted on the walls of
Chaacmol's funeral chamber, in which the body of this warrior is
represented stretched on the ground, cut open under the ribs for the
extraction of the heart and visceras, he is seen surrounded by his wife,
his sister NIC, his mother _Zo[c]_, and four children.

I will close these similes by mentioning that _Thoth_ was reputed the
preceptor of Isis; and said to be the inventor of letters, of the art of
reckoning, geometry, astronomy, and is represented in the hieroglyphs
under the form of a baboon (cynocephalus). He is one of the most ancient
divinities among the Egyptians. He had also the office of scribe in the
lower regions, where he was engaged in noting down the actions of the
dead, and presenting or reading them to Osiris. One of the modes of
writing his name in hieroglyphs, transcribed in our common letters,
reads _Nukta_; a word most appropriate and suggestive of his attributes,
since, according to the Maya language, it would signify to understand,
to perceive, _Nuctah_: while his name Thoth, maya[TN-34] _thot_ means to
scatter flowers; hence knowledge. In the temple of death at Uxmal, at
the foot of the grand staircase that led to the sanctuary, at the top of
which I found a sacrificial altar, there were six cynocephali in a
sitting posture, as Thoth is represented by the Egyptians. They were
placed three in a row each side of the stairs. Between them was a
platform where a skeleton, in a kneeling posture, used to be. To-day the
cynocephali have been removed. They are in one of the yard[TN-35] of the
principal house at the Hacienda of Uxmal. The statue representing the
kneeling skeleton lays, much defaced, where it stood when that ancient
city was in its glory.

In the mural paintings at Chichen-Itza, we again find the baboon
(Cynocephalus) warning Moo of impending danger. She is pictured in her
home, which is situated in the midst of a garden, and over which is seen
the royal insignia. A basket, painted blue, full of bright oranges, is
symbolical of her domestic happiness. She is sitting at the door. Before
her is an individual pictured physically deformed, to show the ugliness
of his character and by the flatness of his skull, want of moral
qualities, (the[TN-36] proving that the learned men of Mayab understood
phrenology). He is in an persuasive attitude; for he has come to try to
seduce her in the name of another. She rejects his offer: and, with her
extended hand, protects the armadillo, on whose shell the high priest
read her destiny when yet a child. In a tree, just above the head of the
man, is an ape. His hand is open and outstretched, both in a warning and
threatening position. A serpent (_can_), her protecting spirit, is seen
at a short distance coiled, ready to spring in her defense. Near by is
another serpent, entwined round the trunk of a tree. He has wounded
about the head another animal, that, with its mouth open, its tongue
protruding, looks at its enemy over its shoulder. Blood is seen oozing
from its tongue and face. This picture forcibly recalls to the mind the
myth of the garden of Eden. For here we have the garden, the fruit, the
woman, the tempter.

As to the charmed _leopard_ skin worn by the African warriors to render
them invulnerable to spears, it would seem as if the manner in which
Chaacmol met his death, by being stabbed with a spear, had been known
to their ancestors; and that they, in their superstitious fancies, had
imagined that by wearing his totem, it would save them from being
wounded with the same kind of weapon used in killing him. Let us not
laugh at such a singular conceit among uncivilized tribes, for it still
prevails in Europe. On many of the French and German soldiers, killed
during the last German war, were found talismans composed of strips of
paper, parchment or cloth, on which were written supposed cabalistic
words or the name of some saint, that the wearer firmly believed to be
possessed of the power of making him invulnerable.

I am acquainted with many people--and not ignorant--who believe that by
wearing on their persons rosaries, made in Jerusalem and blessed by the
Pope, they enjoy immunity from thunderbolts, plagues, epidemics and
other misfortunes to which human flesh is heir.

That the Mayas were a race autochthon on this western continent and did
not receive their civilization from Asia or Africa, seems a rational
conclusion, to be deduced from the foregoing FACTS. If we had nothing
but their _name_ to prove it, it should be sufficient, since its
etymology is only to be found in the American Maya language.

They cannot be said to have been natives of Hindostan; since we are told
that, in very remote ages, _Maya_, a prince of the Davanas, established
himself there. We do not find the etymology of his name in any book
where mention is made of it. We are merely told that he was a wise
magician, a great architect, a learned astronomer, a powerful Asoura
(demon), thirsting for battles and bloodshed: or, according to the
Sanscrit, a Goddess, the mother of all beings that exist--gods and men.

Very little is known of the Mayas of Afghanistan, except that they call
themselves _Mayas_, and that the names of their tribes and cities are
words belonging to the American Maya language.

Who can give the etymology of the name _Magi_, the learned men amongst
the Chaldees. We only know that its meaning is the same as _Maya_ in
Hindostan: magician, astronomer, learned man. If we come to Greece,
where we find again the name _Maia_, it is mentioned as that of a
goddess, as in Hindostan, the mother of the gods: only we are told that
she was the daughter of Atlantis--born of Atlantis. But if we come to
the lands beyond the waters of the Atlantic Ocean, then we find a
country called MAYAB, on account of the porosity of its soil; that, as a
sieve (_Mayab_), absorbs the water in an incredibly short time. Its
inhabitants took its name from that of the country, and called
themselves _Mayas_. It is a fact worthy of notice, that in their
hieroglyphic writings the sign employed by the Egyptians to signify a
_Lord_, a _Master_, was the image of a sieve. Would not this seem to
indicate that the western invaders who subdued the primitive inhabitants
of the valley of the Nile, and became the lords and masters of the land,
were people from MAYAB; particularly if we consider that the usual
character used to write the name of Egypt was the sieve, together with
the sign of land?

We know that the _Mayas_ deified and paid divine honors to their eminent
men and women after their death. This worship of their heroes they
undoubtedly carried, with other customs, to the countries where they
emigrated; and, in due course of time, established it among their
inhabitants, who came to forget that MAYAB was a locality, converted it
in to a personalty: and as some of their gods came from it, Maya was
considered as the _Mother of the Gods_, as we see in Hindostan and
Greece.

It would seem probable that the Mayas did not receive their civilization
from the inhabitants of the Asiatic peninsulas, for the religious lores
and customs they have in common are too few to justify this assertion.
They would simply tend to prove that relations had existed between them
at some epoch or other; and had interchanged some of their habits and
beliefs as it happens, between the civilized nations of our days. This
appears to be the true side of the question; for in the figures
sculptured on the obelisks of Copan the Asiatic type is plainly
discernible; whilst the features of the statues that adorn the
celebrated temples of Hindostan are, beyond all doubts, American.

The FACTS gathered from the monuments do not sustain the theory advanced
by many, that the inhabitants of tropical America received their
civilization from Egypt and Asia Minor. On the contrary. It is true that
I have shown that many of the customs and attainments of the Egyptians
were identical to those of the Mayas; but these had many religious rites
and habits unknown to the Egyptians; who, as we know, always pointed
towards the West as the birthplaces of their ancestors, and worshiped as
gods and goddesses personages who had lived, and whose remains are still
in MAYAB. Besides, the monuments themselves prove the respective
antiquity of the two nations.

According to the best authorities the most ancient monuments raised by
the Egyptians do not date further back than about 2,500 years B. C.
Well, in Ake, a city about twenty-five miles from Merida, there exists
still a monument sustaining thirty-six columns of _katuns_. Each of
these columns indicate a lapse of one hundred and sixty years in the
life of the nation. They then would show that 5,760 years has intervened
between the time when the first stone was placed on the east corner of
the uppermost of the three immense superposed platforms that compose the
structure, and the placing of the last capping stone on the top of the
thirty-sixth column. How long did that event occur before the Spanish
conquest it is impossible to surmise. Supposing, however, it did take
place at that time; this would give us a lapse of at least 6,100 years
since, among the rejoicings of the people this sacred monument being
finished, the first stone that was to serve as record of the age of the
nation, was laid by the high priest, where we see it to-day. I will
remark that the name AKE is one of the Egyptians' divinities, the third
person of the triad of Esneh; always represented as a child, holding his
finger to his mouth. AKE also means a _reed_. To-day the meaning of the
word is lost in Yucatan.

Cogolludo, in his history of Yucatan, speaking of the manner in which
they computed time, says:

"They counted their ages and eras, which they inscribed in their books
every twenty years, in lustrums of four years. * * * When five of these
lustrums were completed, they called the lapse of twenty years _katun_,
which means to place a stone down upon another. * * * In certain sacred
buildings and in the houses of the priests every twenty years they place
a hewn stone upon those already there. When seven of these stones have
thus been piled one over the other began the _Ahau katun_. Then after
the first lustrum of four years they placed a small stone on the top of
the big one, commencing at the east corner; then after four years more
they placed another small stone on the west corner; then the next at the
north; and the fourth at the south. At the end of the twenty years they
put a big stone on the top of the small ones: and the column, thus
finished, indicated a lapse of one hundred and sixty years."

There are other methods for determining the approximate age of the
monuments of Mayab:

1st. By means of their actual orientation; starting from the _fact_ that
their builders always placed either the faces or angles of the edifices
fronting the cardinal points.

2d. By determining the epoch when the mastodon became extinct. For,
since _Can_ or his ancestors adopted the head of that animal as symbol
of deity, it is evident they must have known it; hence, must have been
contemporary with it.

3d. By determining when, through some great cataclysm, the lands became
separated, and all communications between the inhabitants of _Mayab_ and
their colonies were consequently interrupted. If we are to credit what
Psenophis and Sonchis, priests of Heliopolis and Sais, said to Solon
"that nine thousand years before, the visit to them of the Athenian
legislator, in consequence of great earthquakes and inundations, the
lands of the West disappeared in one day and a fatal night," then we may
be able to form an idea of the antiquity of the ruined cities of America
and their builders.

Reader, I have brought before you, without comments, some of the FACTS,
that after ten years of research, the paintings on the walls of
_Chaacmol's_ funeral chamber, the sculptured inscriptions carved on the
stones of the crumbling monuments of Yucatan, and a comparative study of
the vernacular of the aborigines of that country, have revealed to us. I
have no theory to offer. Many years of further patient investigations,
the full interpretation of the monumental inscriptions, and, above all,
the possession of the libraries of the learned men of _Mayab_, are the
_sine qua non_ to form an uncontrovertible one, free from the
speculations which invalidate all books published on the subject
heretofore.

If by reading these pages you have learned something new, your time has
not been lost; nor mine in writing them.




Transcriber's Note


The following typographical errors have been maintained:

     Page Error
  TN-1   7  precipituous should read precipitous
  TN-2  17  maya should read Maya
  TN-3  20  Egpptian should read Egyptian
  TN-4  23  _Moo_ should read _Moo_
  TN-5  23  Guetzalcoalt should read Quetzalcoatl
  TN-6  26  ethonologists should read ethnologists
  TN-7  26  what he said should read what he said.
  TN-8  26  absorbant should read absorbent
  TN-9  28  lazuri: should read lazuli:
  TN-10 28  (Strange should read Strange
  TN-11 28  Chichsen should read Chichen
  TN-12 28  Moo should read Moo,
  TN-13 32  Birmah should read Burmah
  TN-14 32  Siameeses. should read Siameses.
  TN-15 33  maya should read Maya
  TN-16 34  valleys should read valleys,
  TN-17 35  even to-day should read even to-day.
  TN-18 38  inthe should read in the
  TN-19 38  Bresseur should read Brasseur
  TN-20 49  (maya) should read (Maya)
  TN-21 51  epoch should read epochs
  TN-22 52  Wishnu, should read Vishnu,
  TN-23 58  his art, should read his art.
  TN-24 59  _Mo_, should read _Moo_,
  TN-25 62  Mayas should read Mayas'
  TN-26 63  as symbol should read as a symbol
  TN-27 66  e. g should read e. g.
  TN-28 68  _Kukulean_ should read _Kukulcan_
  TN-29 69  DuChaillu should read Du Chaillu
  TN-30 72  death frequently occur; should read death frequently occurs;
            or deaths frequently occur;
  TN-31 72  is is should read it is
  TN-32 73  beats should read beat
  TN-33 80  _Nicte_ should read _Nicte_
  TN-34 80  maya should read Maya
  TN-35 81  yard should read yards
  TN-36 81  qualities, (the should read qualities (thus

The following words are inconsistently spelled and hyphenated:

  Aac / Aak
  Ake / Ake
  birth-place / birthplace
  facade / facade
  Ha / Ha
  Hapimu / Hapimu
  Hema / Hema
  Kinich-Kakmo / Kinich-kakmo
  Na / Na
  Rab-mag / Rabmag
  _senotes_ / senotes
  Tipho / Typho





End of Project Gutenberg's Vestiges of the Mayas, by Augustus Le Plongeon

*** 





Produced by Greg Bergquist, Reiner Ruf, and the Online
Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This
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                          Transcriber's Note:
                          ###################

This e-text is based on the 1802 edition. The original spelling has been
retained, as well as inconsistencies, such as 'musquetry'/'musketry',
'Du Frene'/'du Fresne', 'Melzio'/'Meltio'/'Melzi', etc. Uncommon or
old-style spelling has not been altered, such as 'opake' (opaque),
'verdegris' (verdigris), 'dutchess' (duchess), etc. Errors due to bad
print, as well as minor punctuation errors have been tacitly corrected.

In the text, the plates are referenced by using Roman numerals, whereas
the captions of the plates show Arabic numerals; the same applies to
the Table of Chapters and the chapter headings, respectively. This
inconsistency has been retained.

Footnotes related to introductory chapters have been prefixed with the
letter 'i' ([i1]-[i210]); footnotes in da Vinci's own text, however,
are shown in plain Arabic numerals ([1]-[102]).

Italic passages in the original version have been placed between
underscores (_text_); text in small caps has been symbolised by forward
slashes (/small caps/). A superscript character has been denominated by
a preceding caret symbol (^).

The following typographical errors have been corrected:

    # p. xviii: 'overspead' --> 'overspread'; 'Vincius ast oculis' -->
         'Vincius est oculis'
    # p. lxxxiii: 'Vasari, 36,' --> 'Vasari, p. 36'
    # p. lxxxv: 'Maestrodi' --> 'Maestro di'
    # p. xcii: 'Fontainbleau' --> 'Fontainebleau'
    # p. 22: Plate 2: original caption points to page 2; corrected to
         page 22.
    # p. 37: 'pully' -->'pulley'
    # p. 117: 'andso' --> 'and so'
    # p. 156: 'A B E D' --> 'C B E D'
    # p. 181: 'that that' --> 'than that'
    # Footnote 62: 'tranferred' --> 'transferred'

The Table of Chapters has been moved to the beginning of the text for
reasons of clarity and comprehensibility.




                                   A

                               TREATISE

                                  ON

                               PAINTING,

                                  BY

                          LEONARDO DA VINCI.




                       Printed by /S. Gosnell/,
                 Little Queen Street, Holborn, London.




                   [Illustration: LEONARDO DA VINCI,

                            from a Picture

                       In the Florentine Museum.

           _London, Published by J. Taylor 59 High Holborn_]




                                   A

                               TREATISE

                                  ON

                               PAINTING,

                                  BY

                         _LEONARDO DA VINCI_.

                    FAITHFULLY TRANSLATED FROM THE

                           ORIGINAL ITALIAN,

              AND NOW FIRST DIGESTED UNDER PROPER HEADS,

                   /By/ JOHN FRANCIS RIGAUD, /Esq./

      ACADEMICIAN OF THE ROYAL ACADEMY OF PAINTING AT LONDON, AND
       ALSO OF THE ACADEMIA CLEMENTINA AT BOLOGNA, AND THE ROYAL
                         ACADEMY AT STOCKHOLM.

    Illustrated with twenty-three Copper-plates, and other Figures.

                         TO WHICH IS PREFIXED

                      _A NEW LIFE OF THE AUTHOR_,

       DRAWN UP FROM AUTHENTIC MATERIALS TILL NOW INACCESSIBLE,

               /By/ JOHN SIDNEY, HAWKINS, /Esq./ F.A.S.

           Ars est habitus quidam faciendi vera cum ratione.

                        ARISTOT. ETHIC. LIB. 6.

                                London:

                        PRINTED FOR J. TAYLOR,
              AT THE ARCHITECTURAL LIBRARY, HIGH HOLBORN.

                              M.DCCC.II.




TABLE OF CHAPTERS.


_The Number at the End of each Title refers to the corresponding Chapter
in the original Edition in Italian._


    DRAWING.


    PROPORTION.

    Chap.

    1. What the young Student in Painting ought in the first Place to
       learn. Chapter 1.

    2. Rule for a young Student in Painting. 3.

    3. How to discover a young Man's Disposition for Painting. 4.

    4. Of Painting, and its Divisions. 47.

    5. Division of the Figure. 48.

    6. Proportion of Members. 49.

    7. Of Dimensions in general. 173.

    8. Motion, Changes, and Proportion of Members. 166.

    9. The Difference of Proportion between Children and grown Men. 169.

    10. The Alterations in the Proportion of the human Body from
        Infancy to full Age. 167.

    11. Of the Proportion of Members. 175.

    12. That every Part be proportioned to its Whole. 250.

    13. Of the Proportion of the Members. 185.

    14. The Danger of forming an erroneous Judgment in regard to the
        Proportion and Beauty of the Parts. 42.

    15. Another Precept. 12.

    16. The Manner of drawing from Relievos, and rendering Paper fit
        for it. 127.

    17. Of drawing from Casts or Nature. 31.

    18. To draw Figures from Nature. 38.

    19. Of drawing from Nature. 25.

    20. Of drawing Academy Figures. 30.

    21. Of studying in the Dark, on first waking in the Morning, and
        before going to sleep. 17.

    22. Observations on drawing Portraits. 188.

    23. The Method of retaining in the Memory the Likeness of a Man, so
        as to draw his Portrait, after having seen him only once. 189.

    24. How to remember the Form of a Face. 190.

    25. That a Painter should take Pleasure in the Opinion of every
        Body. 19.


    ANATOMY.

    26. What is principally to be observed in Figures. 213.

    27. Mode of Studying. 7.

    28. Of being universal. 22.

    29. A Precept for the Painter. 5.

    30. Of the Measures of the human Body, and the bending of Members.
        174.

    31. Of the small Bones in several Joints of the human Body. 229.

    32. Memorandum to be observed by the Painter. 57.

    33. The Shoulders. 171.

    34. The Difference of Joints between Children and grown Men. 168.

    35. Of the Joints of the Fingers. 170.

    36. Of the Joint of the Wrist. 176.

    37. Of the Joint of the Foot. 177.

    38. Of the Knee. 178.

    39. Of the Joints. 179.

    40. Of the Naked. 220.

    41. Of the Thickness of the Muscles. 221.

    42. Fat Subjects have small Muscles. 222.

    43. Which of the Muscles disappear in the different Motions of the
        Body. 223.

    44. Of the Muscles. 226.

    45. Of the Muscles. 224.

    46. The Extension and Contraction of the Muscles. 227.

    47. Of the Muscle between the Chest and the lower Belly. 230.

    48. Of a Man's complex Strength, but first of the Arm. 234.

    49. In which of the two Actions, Pulling or Pushing, a Man has the
        greatest Power, _Plate II._ 235.

    50. Of the bending of Members, and of the Flesh round the bending
        Joint. 236.

    51. Of the naked Body. 180.

    52. Of a Ligament without Muscles. 228.

    53. Of Creases. 238.

    54. How near behind the Back one Arm can be brought to the other.
        _Plate III._ and _IV._ 232.

    55. Of the Muscles. 225.

    56. Of the Muscles. 194.

    57. Of the bending of the Body. 204.

    58. The same Subject. 205.

    59. The Necessity of anatomical Knowledge. 43.


    MOTION AND EQUIPOISE OF FIGURES.

    60. Of the Equipoise of a Figure standing still. 203.

    61. Motion produced by the Loss of Equilibrium. 208.

    62. Of the Equipoise of Bodies, _Plate V._ 263.

    63. Of Positions. 192.

    64. Of balancing the Weight round the Centre of Gravity in Bodies.
        214.

    65. Of Figures that have to lift up, or carry any Weight. 215.

    66. The Equilibrium of a Man standing upon his Feet, _Plate VI._
        201.

    67. Of Walking, _Plate VII._ 202.

    68. Of the Centre of Gravity in Men and Animals. 199.

    69. Of the corresponding Thickness of Parts on each Side of the
        Body. 269.

    70. Of the Motions of Animals. 249.

    71. Of Quadrupeds and their Motions. 268.

    72. Of the Quickness or Slowness of Motion. 267.

    73. Of the Motion of Animals. 299.

    74. Of a Figure moving against the Wind, _Plate VIII._ 295.

    75. Of the Balance of a Figure resting upon its Feet. 266.

    76. A Precept. 350.

    77. Of a Man standing, but resting more upon one Foot than the
        other. 264.

    78. Of the Balance of Figures, _Plate IX._ 209.

    79. In what Manner extending one Arm alters the Balance. 198.

    80. Of a Man bearing a Weight on his Shoulders, _Plate X._ 200.

    81. Of Equilibrium. 206.

    82. Of Motion. 195.

    83. The Level of the Shoulders. 196.

    84. Objection to the above answered, _Plate XI._ and _XII._ 197.

    85. Of the Position of Figures, _Plate XIII._ 89.

    86. Of the Joints. 184.

    87. Of the Shoulders. 172.

    88. Of the Motions of a Man. 207.

    89. Of the Disposition of Members preparing to act with great
        Force, _Plate XIV._ 233.

    90. Of throwing any Thing with Violence, _Plate XV._ 261.

    91. On the Motion of driving any Thing into or drawing it out of
        the Ground. 262.

    92. Of forcible Motions, _Plate XVI._ 181.

    93. The Action of Jumping. 260.

    94. Of the three Motions in jumping upwards. 270.

    95. Of the easy Motions of Members. 211.

    96. The greatest Twist which a Man can make, in turning to look at
        himself behind, Plate _XVII._ 231.

    97. Of turning the Leg without the Thigh. 237.

    98. Postures of Figures. 265.

    99. Of the Gracefulness of the Members. 210.

    100. That it is impossible for any Memory to retain the Aspects and
         Changes of the Members. 271.

    101. The Motions of Figures. 242.

    102. Of common Motions. 248.

    103. Of simple Motions. 239.

    104. Complex Motions. 240.

    105. Motions appropriated to the Subject. 241.

    106. Appropriate Motions. 245.

    107. Of the Postures of Women and young People. 259.

    108. Of the Postures of Children. 258.

    109. Of the Motion of the Members. 186.

    110. Of mental Motions. 246.

    111. Effect of the Mind upon the Motions of the Body, occasioned by
         some outward Object. 247.


    LINEAR PERSPECTIVE.

    112. Of those who apply themselves to the Practice, without having
         learnt the Theory of the Art. 23.

    113. Precepts in Painting. 349.

    114. Of the Boundaries of Objects called Outlines or Contours. 291.

    115. Of linear Perspective. 322.

    116. What Parts of Objects disappear first by Distance. 318.

    117. Of remote Objects. 316.

    118. Of the Point of Sight. 281.

    119. A Picture is to be viewed from one Point only. 59.

    120. Of the Dimensions of the first Figure in an historical
         Painting. 91.

    121. Of Objects that are lost to the Sight, in Proportion to their
         Distance. 292.

    122. Errors not so easily seen in small Objects as in large ones.
         52.

    123. Historical Subjects one above another on the same Wall to be
         avoided. 54.

    124. Why Objects in Painting can never detach as natural Objects
         do. 53.

    125. How to give the proper Dimension to Objects in Painting. 71.

    126. How to draw accurately any particular Spot. 32.

    127. Disproportion to be avoided, even in the accessory Parts. 290.


    INVENTION /or/ COMPOSITION.

    128. Precept for avoiding a bad Choice in the Style or Proportion
         of Figures. 45.

    129. Variety in Figures. 21.

    130. How a Painter ought to proceed in his Studies. 6.

    131. Of sketching Histories and Figures. 13.

    132. How to study Composition. 96.

    133. Of the Attitudes of Men. 216.

    134. Variety of Positions. 217.

    135. Of Studies from Nature for History. 37.

    136. Of the Variety of Figures in History Painting. 94.

    137. Of Variety in History. 97.

    138. Of the Age of Figures. 252.

    139. Of Variety of Faces. 98.

    140. A Fault in Painters. 44.

    141. How you may learn to compose Groups for History Painting. 90.

    142. How to study the Motions of the human Body. 95.

    143. Of Dresses, and of Draperies and Folds. 358.

    144. Of the Nature of Folds in Draperies. 359.

    145. How the Folds of Draperies ought to be represented, _Plate
         XVIII._ 360.

    146. How the Folds in Draperies ought to be made. 361.

    147. Fore-shortening of Folds, _Plate XIX._ 362.

    148. Of Folds. 364.

    149. Of Decorum. 251.

    150. The Character of Figures in Composition. 253.

    151. The Motion of the Muscles, when the Figures are in natural
         Positions. 193.

    152. A Precept in Painting. 58.

    153. Of the Motion of Man, _Plate XX._ and _XXI._ 182.

    154. Of Attitudes, and the Motions of the Members. 183.

    155. Of a single Figure separate from an historical Group. 212.

    156. On the Attitudes of the human Figure. 218.

    157. How to represent a Storm. 66.

    158. How to compose a Battle. 67.

    159. The Representation of an Orator and his Audience. 254.

    160. Of demonstrative Gestures. 243.

    161. Of the Attitudes of the By-standers at some remarkable Event.
         219.

    162. How to represent Night. 65.

    163. The Method of awakening the Mind to a Variety of Inventions.
         16.

    164. Of Composition in History. 93.


    EXPRESSION /and/ CHARACTER.

    165. Of expressive Motions. 50.

    166. How to paint Children. 61.

    167. How to represent old Men. 62.

    168. How to paint old Women. 63.

    169. How to paint Women. 64.

    170. Of the Variety of Faces. 244.

    171. The Parts of the Face, and their Motions. 187.

    172. Laughing and Weeping. 257.

    173. Of Anger. 255.

    174. Despair. 256.


    LIGHT /and/ SHADOW.

    175. The Course of Study to be pursued. 2.

    176. Which of the two is the most useful Knowledge, the Outlines of
         Figures, or that of Light and Shadow. 56.

    177. Which is the most important, the Shadow or Outlines in
         Painting. 277.

    178. What is a Painter's first Aim and Object. 305.

    179. The Difference of Superficies, in regard to Painting. 278.

    180. How a Painter may become universal. 10.

    181. Accuracy ought to be learnt before Dispatch in the Execution.
         18.

    182. How the Painter is to place himself in regard to the Light,
         and his Model. 40.

    183. Of the best Light. 41.

    184. Of drawing by Candle-light. 34.

    185. Of those Painters who draw at Home from one Light, and
         afterwards adapt their Studies to another Situation in the
         Country, and a different Light. 46.

    186. How high the Light should be in drawing from Nature. 27.

    187. What Light the Painter must make use of to give most Relief to
         his Figures. 55.

    188. Advice to Painters. 26.

    189. Of Shadows. 60.

    190. Of the Kind of Light proper for drawing from Relievos, or from
         Nature. 29.

    191. Whether the Light should be admitted in Front or sideways; and
         which is the most pleasing and graceful. 74.

    192. Of the Difference of Lights according to the Situation. 289.

    193. How to distribute the Light on Figures. 279.

    194. Of the Beauty of Faces. 191.

    195. How, in drawing a Face, to give it Grace, by the Management of
         Light and Shade. 35.

    196. How to give Grace and Relief to Faces. 287.

    197. Of the Termination of Bodies upon each other. 294.

    198. Of the Back-grounds of painted Objects. 154.

    199. How to detach and bring forward Figures out of their
         Back-ground. 288.

    200. Of proper Back-grounds. 141.

    201. Of the general Light diffused over Figures. 303.

    202. Of those Parts in Shadows which appear the darkest at a
         Distance. 327.

    203. Of the Eye viewing the Folds of Draperies surrounding a
         Figure. 363.

    204. Of the Relief of Figures remote from the Eye. 336.

    205. Of Outlines of Objects on the Side towards the Light. 337.

    206. How to make Objects detach from their Ground, that is to say,
         from the Surface on which they are painted. 342.


    CONTRASTE AND EFFECT.

    207. A Precept. 343.

    208. Of the Interposition of transparent Bodies between the Eye and
         the Object. 357.

    209. Of proper Back-grounds for Figures. 283.

    210. Of Back-grounds. 160.


    REFLEXES.

    211. Of Objects placed on a light Ground, and why such a Practice
         is useful in Painting. 159.

    212. Of the different Effects of White, according to the Difference
         of Back-grounds. 139.

    213. Of Reverberation. 75.

    214. Where there cannot be any Reverberation of Light. 76.

    215. In what Part the Reflexes have more or less Brightness. 79.

    216. Of the reflected Lights which surround the Shadows. 78.

    217. Where Reflexes are to be most apparent. 82.

    218. What Part of a Reflex is to be the lightest. 80.

    219. Of the Termination of Reflexes on their Grounds. 88.

    220. Of double and treble Reflexions of Light. 83.

    221. Reflexes in the Water, and particularly those of the Air. 135.


    COLOURS /and/ COLOURING.


    COLOURS.

    222. What Surface is best calculated to receive most Colours. 123.

    223. What Surface will shew most perfectly its true Colour. 125.

    224. On what Surface the true Colour is least apparent. 131.

    225. What Surfaces shew most of their true and genuine Colour. 132.

    226. Of the Mixture of Colours. 121.

    227. Of the Colours produced by the Mixture of other Colours,
         called secondary Colours. 161.

    228. Of Verdegris. 119.

    229. How to increase the Beauty of Verdegris. 120.

    230. How to paint a Picture that will last almost for ever. 352.

    231. The Mode of painting on Canvass, or Linen Cloth. 353.

    232. Of lively and beautiful Colours. 100.

    233. Of transparent Colours. 113.

    234. In what Part a Colour will appear in its greatest Beauty. 114.

    235. How any Colour without Gloss, is more beautiful in the Lights
         than in the Shades. 115.

    236. Of the Appearance of Colours. 116.

    237. What Part of a Colour is to be the most beautiful. 117.

    238. That the Beauty of a Colour is to be found in the Lights. 118.

    239. Of Colours. 111.

    240. No Object appears in its true Colour, unless the Light which
         strikes upon it be of the same Colour. 150.

    241. Of the Colour of Shadows. 147.

    242. Of Colours. 153.

    243. Whether it be possible for all Colours to appear alike by
         means of the same Shadow. 109.

    244. Why White is not reckoned among the Colours. 155.

    245. Of Colours. 156.

    246. Of the Colouring of remote Objects. 339.

    247. The Surface of all opake Bodies participates of the Colour of
         the surrounding Objects. 298.

    248. General Remarks on Colours. 162.


    COLOURS IN REGARD TO LIGHT AND SHADOW.

    249. Of the Light proper for painting Flesh Colour from Nature. 36.

    250. Of the Painter's Window. 296.

    251. The Shadows of Colours. 101.

    252. Of the Shadows of White. 104.

    253. Which of the Colours will produce the darkest Shade. 105.

    254. How to manage, when a White terminates upon another White. 138.

    255. On the Back-grounds of Figures. 140.

    256. The Mode of composing History. 92.

    257. Remarks concerning Lights and Shadows. 302.

    258. Why the Shadows of Bodies upon a white Wall are blueish
         towards the Evening. 328.

    259. Of the Colour of Faces. 126.

    260. A Precept relating to Painting. 284.

    261. Of Colours in Shadow. 158.

    262. Of the Choice of Lights. 28.


    COLOURS IN REGARD TO BACK-GROUNDS.

    263. Of avoiding hard Outlines. 51.

    264. Of Outlines. 338.

    265. Of Back-grounds. 334.

    266. How to detach Figures from the Ground. 70.

    267. Of Uniformity and Variety of Colours upon plain Surfaces. 304.

    268. Of Back-grounds suitable both to Shadows and Lights. 137.

    269. The apparent Variation of Colours, occasioned by the Contraste
         of the Ground upon which they are placed. 112.


    CONTRASTE, HARMONY, AND REFLEXES, IN REGARD TO COLOURS.

    270. Gradation in Painting. 144.

    271. How to assort Colours in such a Manner as that they may add
         Beauty to each other. 99.

    272. Of detaching the Figures. 73.

    273. Of the Colour of Reflexes. 87.

    274. What Body will be the most strongly tinged with the Colour of
         any other Object. 124.

    275. Of Reflexes. 77.

    276. Of the Surface of all shadowed Bodies. 122.

    277. That no reflected Colour is simple, but is mixed with the
         Nature of the other Colours. 84.

    278. Of the Colour of Lights and Reflexes. 157.

    279. Why reflected Colours seldom partake of the Colour of the Body
         where they meet. 85.

    280. The Reflexes of Flesh Colours. 81.

    281. Of the Nature of Comparison. 146.

    282. Where the Reflexes are seen. 86.


    PERSPECTIVE OF COLOURS.

    283. A Precept of Perspective in regard to Painting. 354.

    284. Of the Perspective of Colours. 134.

    285. The Cause of the Diminution of Colours. 136.

    286. Of the Diminution of Colours and Objects. 356.

    287. Of the Variety observable in Colours, according to their
         Distance or Proximity. 102.

    288. At what Distance Colours are entirely lost. 103.

    289. Of the Change observable in the same Colour, according to its
         Distance from the Eye. 128.

    290. Of the blueish Appearance of remote Objects in a Landscape.
         317.

    291. Of the Qualities in the Surface which first lose themselves by
         Distance. 293.

    292. From what Cause the Azure of the Air proceeds. 151.

    293. Of the Perspective of Colours. 107.

    294. Of the Perspective of Colours in dark Places. 148.

    295. Of the Perspective of Colours. 149.

    296. Of Colours. 152.

    297. How it happens that Colours do not change, though placed in
         different Qualities of Air. 108.

    298. Why Colours experience no apparent Change, though placed in
         different Qualities of Air. 106.

    299. Contrary Opinions in regard to Objects seen afar off. 142.

    300. Of the Colour of Objects remote from the Eye. 143.

    301. Of the Colour of Mountains. 163.

    302. Why the Colour and Shape of Objects are lost in some
         Situations apparently dark, though not so in Reality. 110.

    303. Various Precepts in Painting. 340.


    AERIAL PERSPECTIVE.

    304. Aerial Perspective. 165.

    305. The Parts of the smallest Objects will first disappear in
         Painting. 306.

    306. Small Figures ought not to be too much finished. 282.

    307. Why the Air is to appear whiter as it approaches nearer to the
         Earth. 69.

    308. How to paint the distant Part of a Landscape. 68.

    309. Of precise and confused Objects. 72.

    310. Of distant Objects. 355.

    311. Of Buildings seen in a thick Air. 312.

    312. Of Towns and other Objects seen through a thick Air. 309.

    313. Of the inferior Extremities of distant Objects. 315.

    314. Which Parts of Objects disappear first by being removed
         farther from the Eye, and which preserve their Appearance. 321.

    315. Why Objects are less distinguished in proportion as they are
         farther removed from the Eye. 319.

    316. Why Faces appear dark at a Distance. 320.

    317. Of Towns and other Buildings seen through a Fog in the Morning
         or Evening. 325.

    318. Of the Height of Buildings seen in a Fog. 324.

    319. Why Objects which are high, appear darker at a Distance than
         those which are low, though the Fog be uniform, and of equal
         Thickness. 326.

    320. Of Objects seen in a Fog. 323.

    321. Of those Objects which the Eye perceives through a Mist or
         thick Air. 311.

    322. Miscellaneous Observations. 308.


    MISCELLANEOUS OBSERVATIONS.


    LANDSCAPE.

    323. Of Objects seen at a Distance. 313.

    324. Of a Town seen through a thick Air. 314.

    325. How to draw a Landscape. 33.

    326. Of the Green of the Country. 129.

    327. What Greens will appear most of a blueish Cast. 130.

    328. The Colour of the Sea from different Aspects. 145.

    329. Why the same Prospect appears larger at some Times than at
         others. 307.

    330. Of Smoke. 331.

    331. In what Part Smoke is lightest. 329.

    332. Of the Sun-beams passing through the Openings of Clouds. 310.

    333. Of the Beginning of Rain. 347.

    334. The Seasons are to be observed. 345.

    335. The Difference of Climates is to be observed. 344.

    336. Of Dust. 330.

    337. How to represent the Wind. 346.

    338. Of a Wilderness. 285.

    339. Of the Horizon seen in the Water. 365.

    340. Of the Shadow of Bridges on the Surface of the Water. 348.

    341. How a Painter ought to put in Practice the Perspective of
         Colours. 164.

    342. Various Precepts in Painting. 332.

    343. The Brilliancy of a Landscape. 133.


    MISCELLANEOUS OBSERVATIONS.

    344. Why a painted Object does not appear so far distant as a real
         one, though they be conveyed to the Eye by equal Angles. 333.

    345. How to draw a Figure standing upon its Feet, to appear forty
         Braccia high, in a Space of twenty Braccia, with proportionate
         Members. 300.

    346. How to draw a Figure twenty-four Braccia high, upon a Wall
         twelve Braccia high. _Plate XXII._ 301.

    347. Why, on measuring a Face, and then painting it of the same
         Size, it will appear larger than the natural one. 297.

    348. Why the most perfect Imitation of Nature will not appear to
         have the same Relief as Nature itself. 341.

    349. Universality of Painting. A Precept. 9.

    350. In what Manner the Mirror is the true Master of Painters. 275.

    351. Which Painting is to be esteemed the best. 276.

    352. Of the Judgment to be made of a Painter's Work. 335.

    353. How to make an imaginary Animal appear natural. 286.

    354. Painters are not to imitate one another. 24.

    355. How to judge of one's own Work. 274.

    356. Of correcting Errors which you discover. 14.

    357. The best Place for looking at a Picture. 280.

    358. Of Judgment. 15.

    359. Of Employment anxiously wished for by Painters. 272.

    360. Advice to Painters. 8.

    361. Of Statuary. 351.

    362. On the Measurement and Division of Statues into Parts. 39.

    363. A Precept for the Painter. 11.

    364. On the Judgment of Painters. 273.

    365. That a Man ought not to trust to himself, but ought to consult
         Nature. 20.




                                PREFACE

                                TO THE

                         PRESENT TRANSLATION.


The excellence of the following Treatise is so well known to all in any
tolerable degree conversant with the Art of Painting, that it would be
almost superfluous to say any thing respecting it, were it not that it
here appears under the form of a new translation, of which some account
may be expected.

Of the original Work, which is in reality a selection from the
voluminous manuscript collections of the Author, both in folio and
quarto, of all such passages as related to Painting, no edition
appeared in print till 1651, though its Author died so long before as
the year 1519; and it is owing to the circumstance of a manuscript
copy of these extracts in the original Italian, having fallen into
the hands of Raphael du Fresne; that in the former of these years
it was published at Paris in a thin folio volume in that language,
accompanied with a set of cuts from the drawings of Nicolo Poussin, and
Alberti; the former having designed the human figures, the latter the
geometrical and other representations. This precaution was probably
necessary, the sketches in the Author's own collections being so very
slight as not to be fit for publication without further assistance.
Poussin's drawings were mere outlines, and the shadows and back-grounds
behind the figures were added by Errard, after the drawings had been
made, and, as Poussin himself says, without his knowledge.

In the same year, and size, and printed at the same place, a
translation of the original work into French was given to the world by
Monsieur de Chambray (well known, under his family name of Freart, as
the author of an excellent Parallel of ancient and modern Architecture,
in French, which Mr. Evelyn translated into English). The style of this
translation by Mons. de Chambray, being thought, some years after, too
antiquated, some one was employed to revise and modernise it; and in
1716 a new edition of it, thus polished, came out, of which it may be
truly said, as is in general the case on such occasions, that whatever
the supposed advantage obtained in purity and refinement of language
might be, it was more than counterbalanced by the want of the more
valuable qualities of accuracy, and fidelity to the original, from
which, by these variations, it became further removed.

The first translation of this Treatise into English, appeared in the
year 1721. It does not declare by whom it was made; but though it
professes to have been done from the original Italian, it is evident,
upon a comparison, that more use was made of the revised edition of
the French translation. Indifferent, however, as it is, it had become
so scarce, and risen to a price so extravagant, that, to supply the
demand, it was found necessary, in the year 1796, to reprint it as it
stood, with all its errors on its head, no opportunity then offering of
procuring a fresh translation.

This last impression, however, being now also disposed of, and a new
one again called for, the present Translator was induced to step
forward, and undertake the office of fresh translating it, on finding,
by comparing the former versions both in French and English with
the original, many passages which he thought might at once be more
concisely and more faithfully rendered. His object, therefore, has
been to attain these ends, and as rules and precepts like the present
allow but little room for the decorations of style, he has been more
solicitous for fidelity, perspicuity, and precision, than for smooth
sentences, and well-turned periods.

Nor was this the only advantage which it was found the present
opportunity would afford; for the original work consisting in fact of
a number of entries made at different times, without any regard to
their subjects, or attention to method, might rather in that state be
considered as a chaos of intelligence, than a well-digested treatise.
It has now, therefore, for the first time, been attempted to place
each chapter under the proper head or branch of the art to which
it belongs; and by so doing, to bring together those which (though
related and nearly connected in substance) stood, according to the
original arrangement, at such a distance from each other as to make
it troublesome to find them even by the assistance of an index; and
difficult, when found, to compare them together.

The consequence of this plan, it must be confessed, has been, that in
a few instances the same precept has been found in substance repeated;
but this is so far from being an objection, that it evidently proves
the precepts were not the hasty opinions of the moment, but settled and
fixed principles in the mind of the Author, and that he was consistent
in the expression of his sentiments. But if this mode of arrangement
has in the present case disclosed what might have escaped observation,
it has also been productive of more material advantages; for, besides
facilitating the finding of any particular passage (an object in itself
of no small importance), it clearly shews the work to be a much more
complete system than those best acquainted with it, had before any idea
of, and that many of the references in it apparently to other writings
of the same Author, relate in fact only to the present, the chapters
referred to having been found in it. These are now pointed out in the
notes, and where any obscurity has occurred in the text, the reader
will find some assistance at least attempted by the insertion of a note
to solve the difficulty.

No pains or expense have been spared in preparing the present work
for the press. The cuts have been re-engraven with more attention
to correctness in the drawing, than those which accompanied the two
editions of the former English translation possessed (even though they
had been fresh engraven for the impression of 1796); and the diagrams
are now inserted in their proper places in the text, instead of being,
as before, collected all together in two plates at the end. Besides
this, a new Life of the Author has been also added by a Friend of the
Translator, the materials for which have been furnished, not from vague
reports, or uncertain conjectures, but from memoranda of the Author
himself, not before used.

Fortunately for this undertaking, the manuscript collections of
Leonardo da Vinci, which have lately passed from Italy into France,
have, since their removal thither, been carefully inspected, and
an abstract of their contents published in a quarto pamphlet,
printed at Paris in 1797, and intitled, "Essai sur les Ouvrages
physico-mathematiques de Leonard de Vinci;" by J. B. Venturi, Professor
of Natural Philosophy at Modena; a Member of the Institute of Bologna,
&c. From this pamphlet a great deal of original intelligence respecting
the Author has been obtained, which, derived as it is from his own
information, could not possibly be founded on better evidence.

To this Life we shall refer the reader for a further account of the
origin and history of the present Treatise, conceiving we have already
effected our purpose, by here giving him a sufficient idea of what he
is to expect from the ensuing pages.




                               THE LIFE

                                  OF

                         _LEONARDO DA VINCI_.


Leonardo da Vinci, the Author of the following Treatise, was the
natural son of Pietro da Vinci, a notary of Vinci, in Tuscany[i1], a
village situated in the valley of Arno, a little below Florence, and
was born in the year 1452[i2].

Having discovered, when a child, a strong inclination and talent for
painting, of which he had given proofs by several little drawings and
sketches; his father one day accidentally took up some of them, and
was induced to shew them to his friend Andrea Verocchio, a painter
of some reputation in Florence, who was also a chaser, an architect,
a sculptor, and goldsmith, for his advice, as to the propriety of
bringing up his son to the profession of painting, and the probability
of his becoming eminent in the art. The answer of Verocchio was such as
to confirm him in that resolution; and Leonardo, to fit him for that
purpose, was accordingly placed under the tuition of Verocchio[i3].

As Verocchio combined in himself a perfect knowledge of the arts of
chasing and sculpture, and was a deep proficient in architecture,
Leonardo had in this situation the means and opportunity of acquiring a
variety of information, which though perhaps not immediately connected
with the art to which his principal attention was to be directed,
might, with the assistance of such a mind as Leonardo's, be rendered
subsidiary to his grand object, tend to promote his knowledge of the
theory, and facilitate his practice of the profession for which he
was intended. Accordingly we find that he had the good sense to avail
himself of these advantages, and that under Verocchio he made great
progress, and attracted his master's friendship and confidence, by the
talents he discovered, the sweetness of his manners, and the vivacity
of his disposition[i4]. Of his proficiency in painting, the following
instance is recorded; and the skill he afterwards manifested in other
branches of science, on various occasions, evidently demonstrated how
solicitous he had been for knowledge of all kinds, and how careful in
his youth to lay a good foundation. Verocchio had undertaken for the
religious of Vallombrosa, without Florence, a picture of our Saviour's
Baptism by St. John, and consigned to Leonardo the office of putting
in from the original drawing, the figure of an angel holding up the
drapery; but, unfortunately for Verocchio, Leonardo succeeded so well,
that, despairing of ever equalling the work of his scholar, Verocchio
in disgust abandoned his pencil for ever, confining himself in future
solely to the practice of sculpture[i5].

On this success Leonardo became sensible that he no longer stood in
need of an instructor; and therefore quitting Verocchio, he now began
to work and study for himself. Many of his performances of this period
are still, or were lately to be seen at Florence; and besides these,
the following have been also mentioned: A cartoon of Adam and Eve in
the Garden, which he did for the King of Portugal[i6]. This is highly
commended for the exquisite gracefulness of the two principal figures,
the beauty of the landscape, and the incredible exactitude of the
shrubs and fruit. At the instance of his father, he made a painting for
one of his old neighbours at Vinci[i7]; it consisted wholly of such
animals as have naturally an hatred to each other, joined artfully
together in a variety of attitudes. Some authors have said that this
painting was a shield[i8], and have related the following particulars
respecting it.

One of Pietro's neighbours meeting him one day at Florence, told him he
had been making a shield, and would be glad of his assistance to get it
painted; Pietro undertook this office, and applied to his son to make
good the promise. When the shield was brought to Leonardo, he found it
so ill made, that he was obliged to get a turner to smooth it; and when
that was done, he began to consider with what subject he should paint
it. For this purpose he got together, in his apartment, a collection of
live animals, such as lizards, crickets, serpents, silk-worms, locusts,
bats, and other creatures of that kind, from the multitude of which,
variously adapted to each other, he formed an horrible and terrific
animal, emitting fire and poison from his jaws, flames from his eyes,
and smoke from his nostrils; and with so great earnestness did Leonardo
apply to this, that though in his apartment the stench of the animals
that from time to time died there, was so strong as to be scarcely
tolerable, he, through his love to the art, entirely disregarded it.
The work being finished, Leonardo told his father he might now see it;
and the father one morning coming to his apartment for that purpose,
Leonardo, before he admitted him, placed the shield so as to receive
from the window its full and proper light, and then opened the door.
Not knowing what he was to expect, and little imagining that what he
saw was not the creatures themselves, but a mere painted representation
of them, the father, on entering and beholding the shield, was at first
staggered and shocked; which the son perceiving, told him he might now
send the shield to his friend, as, from the effect which the sight of
it had then produced, he found he had attained the object at which he
aimed. Pietro, however, had too much sagacity not to see that this was
by much too great a curiosity for a mere countryman, who would never
be sensible of its value; he therefore privately bought for his friend
an ordinary shield, rudely painted with the device of an heart with an
arrow through it, and sold this for an hundred ducats to some merchants
at Florence, by whom it was again sold for three hundred to the Duke of
Milan[i9].

He afterwards painted a picture of the Virgin Mary, and by her side a
vessel of water, in which were flowers: in this he so contrived it, as
that the light reflected from the flowers threw a pale redness on the
water. This picture was at one time in the possession of Pope Clement
the Seventh[i10].

For his friend Antonio Segni he also made a design, representing
Neptune in his car, drawn by sea-horses, and attended by tritons and
sea-gods; the heavens overspread with clouds, which were driven in
all directions by the violence of the winds; the waves appeared to be
rolling, and the whole ocean seemed in an uproar[i11]. This drawing was
afterwards given by Fabio the son of Antonio Segni, to Giovanni Gaddi,
a great collector of drawings, with this epigram:

    Pinxit Virgilius Neptunum, pinxit Homerus,
      Dum maris undisoni per vada flectit equos.
    Mente quidem vates illum conspexit uterque,
      Vincius est oculis, jureque vincit eos[i12].


                  In English thus:

    Virgil and Homer, when they Neptune shew'd,
      As he through boist'rous seas his steeds compell'd,
    In the mind's eye alone his figure view'd;
      But Vinci _saw_ him, and has both excell'd[i13].

To these must be added the following: A painting representing two
horsemen engaged in fight, and struggling to tear a flag from
each other: rage and fury are in this admirably expressed in the
countenances of the two combatants; their air appears wild, and the
drapery is thrown into an unusual though agreeable disorder. A Medusa's
head, and a picture of the Adoration of the Magi[i14]. In this last
there are some fine heads, but both this and the Medusa's head are said
by Du Fresne to have been evidently unfinished.

The mind of Leonardo was however too active and capacious to be
contented solely with the practical part of his art; nor could it
submit to receive as principles, conclusions, though confirmed
by experience, without first tracing them to their source, and
investigating their causes, and the several circumstances on which
they depended. For this purpose he determined to engage in a deep
examination into the theory of his art; and the better to effect his
intention, he resolved to call in to his aid the assistance of all such
other branches of science as could in any degree promote this grand
object.

Vasari has related[i15], that at a very early age he had, in the short
time of a few months only that he applied to it, obtained a deep
knowledge of arithmetic; and says, that in literature in general, he
would have made great attainments, if he had not been too versatile
to apply long to one subject. In music, he adds, he had made some
progress; that he then determined to learn to play on the lyre; and
that having an uncommonly fine voice, and an extraordinary promptitude
of thought and expression, he became a celebrated _improvisatore_: but
that his attention to these did not induce him to neglect painting
and modelling in which last art he was so great a proficient, that
in his youth he modelled in clay some heads of women laughing, and
also some boys' heads, which appeared to have come from the hand of a
master. In architecture, he made many plans and designs for buildings,
and, while he was yet young, proposed conveying the river Arno into
the canal at Pisa[i16]. Of his skill in poetry the reader may judge
from the following sonnet preserved by Lomazzo[i17], the only one now
existing of his composition; and for the translation with which it is
accompanied we are indebted to a lady.


                SONNETTO MORALE.

    Chi non puo quel vuol, quel che puo voglia,
        Che quel che non si puo folle e volere.
        Adunque saggio e l'uomo da tenere,
    Che da quel che non puo suo voler toglia.

    Pero ch'ogni diletto nostro e doglia
        Sta in si e no, saper, voler, potere,
        Adunque quel sol puo, che co 'l dovere
    Ne trahe la ragion suor di sua soglia.

    Ne sempre e da voler quel che l'uom puote,
        Spesso par dolce quel che torna amaro,
        Piansi gia quel ch'io volsi, poi ch'io l'ebbi.

    Adunque tu, lettor di queste note,
        S'a te vuoi esser buono e a' gli altri caro,
        Vogli sempre poter quel che tu debbi.


                  TRANSLATION.

                A MORAL SONNET.

    The man who cannot what he would attain,
    Within his pow'r his wishes should restrain:
    The wish of Folly o'er that bound aspires,
    The wise man by it limits his desires.

    Since all our joys so close on sorrows run,
    We know not what to choose or what to shun;
    Let all our wishes still our duty meet,
    Nor banish Reason from her awful seat.

    Nor is it always best for man to will
    Ev'n what his pow'rs can reach; some latent ill
    Beneath a fair appearance may delude
    And make him rue what earnest he pursued.

    Then, Reader, as you scan this simple page,
    Let this one care your ev'ry thought engage,
    (With self-esteem and gen'ral love 't is fraught,)
    Wish only pow'r to do just what you ought.


The course of study which Leonardo had thus undertaken, would, in its
most limited extent by any one who should attempt it at this time, be
found perhaps almost more than could be successfully accomplished;
but yet his curiosity and unbounded thirst for information, induced
him rather to enlarge than contract his plan. Accordingly we find,
that to the study of geometry, sculpture, anatomy, he added those of
architecture, mechanics, optics, hydrostatics, astronomy, and Nature in
general, in all her operations[i18]; and the result of his observations
and experiments, which were intended not only for present use, but
as the basis and foundation of future discoveries, he determined, as
he proceeded, to commit to writing. At what time he began these his
collections, of which we shall have occasion to speak more particularly
hereafter, is no where mentioned; but it is with certainty known, that
by the month of April 1490, he had already completely filled two folio
volumes[i19].

Notwithstanding Leonardo's propensity and application to study, he was
not inattentive to the graces of external accomplishments; he was very
skilful in the management of an horse, rode gracefully, and when he
afterwards arrived to a state of affluence, took particular pleasure in
appearing in public well mounted and handsomely accoutred. He possessed
great dexterity in the use of arms: for mien and grace he might contend
with any gentleman of his time: his person was remarkably handsome,
his behaviour so perfectly polite, and his conversation so charming,
that his company was coveted by all who knew him; but the avocations to
which this last circumstance subjected him, are one reason why so many
of his works remain unfinished[i20].

With such advantages of mind and body as these, it was no wonder that
his reputation should spread itself, as we find it soon did, over all
Italy. The painting of the shield before mentioned, had already, as has
been noticed, come into the possession of the Duke of Milan; and the
subsequent accounts which he had from time to time heard of Leonardo's
abilities and talents, induced Lodovic Sforza, surnamed the Moor,
then Duke of Milan, about, or a little before the year 1489[i21], to
invite him to his court, and to settle on him a pension of five hundred
crowns, a considerable sum at that time[i22].

Various are the reasons assigned for this invitation: Vasari[i23]
attributes it to his skill in music, a science of which the Duke is
said to have been fond; others have ascribed it to a design which the
Duke entertained of erecting a brazen statue to the memory of his
father[i24]; but others conceive it originated from the circumstance,
that the Duke had not long before established at Milan an academy for
the study of painting, sculpture, and architecture, and was desirous
that Leonardo should take the conduct and direction of it[i25]. The
second was, however, we find, the true motive; and we are further
informed, that the invitation was accepted by Leonardo, that he went to
Milan, and was already there in 1489[i26].

Among the collections of Leonardo still existing in manuscript, is a
copy of a memorial presented by him to the Duke about 1490, of which
Venturi has given an abridgment[i27]. In it he offers to make for the
Duke military bridges, which should be at the same time light and very
solid, and to teach him the method of placing and defending them with
security. When the object is to take any place, he can, he says, empty
the ditch of its water; he knows, he adds, the art of constructing a
subterraneous gallery under the ditches themselves, and of carrying
it to the very spot that shall be wanted. If the fort is not built
on a rock, he undertakes to throw it down, and mentions that he has
new contrivances for bombarding machines, ordnance, and mortars, some
adapted to throw hail shot, fire, and smoke, among the enemy; and
for all other machines proper for a siege, and for war, either by
sea or land, according to circumstances. In peace also, he says he
can be useful in what concerns the erection of buildings, conducting
of water-courses, sculpture in bronze or marble, and painting; and
remarks, that at the same time that he may be pursuing any of the above
objects, the equestrian statue to the memory of the Duke's father, and
his illustrious family, may still be going on. If any one doubts the
possibility of what he proposes, he offers to prove it by experiment,
and ocular demonstration.

From this memorial it seems clear, that the casting of the bronze
statue was his principal object; painting is only mentioned
incidentally, and no notice is taken of the direction or management of
the academy for painting, sculpture, and architecture; it is probable,
therefore, that at this time there was no such intention, though it is
certainly true, that he was afterwards placed at the head of it, and
that he banished from it the barbarous style of architecture which till
then had prevailed in it, and introduced in its stead a more pure and
classical taste. Whatever was the fact with respect to the academy, it
is however well known that the statue was cast in bronze, finished, and
put up at Milan, but afterwards demolished by the French when they took
possession of that place[i28] after the defeat of Lodovic Sforza.

Some time after Leonardo's arrival at Milan, a design had been
entertained of cutting a canal from Martesana to Milan, for the purpose
of opening a communication by water between these two places, and, as
it is said, of supplying the last with water. It had been first thought
of so early as 1457[i29]; but from the difficulties to be expected in
its execution, it seems to have been laid aside, or at least to have
proceeded slowly, till Leonardo's arrival. His offers of service as
engineer in the above memorial, probably induced Lodovic Sforza, the
then Duke, to resume the intention with vigour, and accordingly we
find the plan was determined on, and the execution of it intrusted to
Leonardo. The object was noble, but the difficulties to be encountered
were sufficient to have discouraged any mind but Leonardo's; for the
distance was no less than two hundred miles; and before it could be
completed, hills were to be levelled, and vallies filled up, to render
them navigable with security[i30].

In order to enable him to surmount the obstacles with which he
foresaw he should have to contend, he retired to the house of his
friend Signior Melzi, at Vaverola, not far distant from Milan, and
there applied himself sedulously for some years, as it is said, but
at intervals only we must suppose, and according as his undertaking
proceeded, to the study of philosophy, mathematics, and every branch
of science that could at all further his design; still continuing
the method he had before adopted, of entering down in writing
promiscuously, whatever he wished to implant in his memory: and at
this place, in this and his subsequent visits from time to time, he is
supposed to have made the greater part of the collections he has left
behind him[i31], of the contents of which we shall hereafter speak more
at large.

Although engaged in the conduct of so vast an undertaking, and in
studies so extensive, the mind of Leonardo does not appear to have
been so wholly occupied or absorbed in them as to incapacitate him
from attending at the same time to other objects also; and the Duke
therefore being desirous of ornamenting Milan with some specimens of
his skill as a painter, employed him to paint in the refectory of the
Dominican convent of Santa Maria delle Gratie, in that city, a picture,
the subject of which was to be the Last Supper. Of this picture it
is related, that Leonardo was so impressed with the dignity of the
subject, and so anxious to answer the high ideas he had formed of it in
his own mind, that his progress was very slow, and that he spent much
time in meditation and thought, during which the work was apparently
at a stand. The Prior of the convent, thinking it therefore neglected,
complained to the Duke; but Leonardo assuring the Duke that not less
than two hours were every day bestowed on it, he was satisfied.
Nevertheless the Prior, after a short time, finding the work very
little advanced, once more applied to the Duke, who in some degree of
anger, as thinking Leonardo had deceived him, reprimanded him in strong
terms for his delay. What Leonardo had scorned to urge to the Prior in
his defence, he now thought fit to plead in his excuse to the Duke, to
convince him that a painter did not labour solely with his hands, but
that his mind might be deeply studying his subject, when his hands were
unemployed, and he in appearance perfectly idle. In proof of this, he
told the Duke that nothing remained to the completion of the picture
but the heads of our Saviour and Judas; that as to the former, he had
not yet been able to find a fit model to express its divinity, and
found his invention inadequate of itself to represent it: that with
respect to that of Judas, he had been in vain for two years searching
among the most abandoned and profligate of the species for an head
which would convey an idea of his character; but that this difficulty
was now at length removed, since he had nothing to do but to introduce
the head of the Prior, whose ingratitude for the pains he was taking,
rendered him a fit archetype of the perfidy and ingratitude he wished
to express. Some persons have said[i32], that the head of Judas in the
picture was actually copied from that of the Prior; but Mariette denies
it, and says this reply was merely intended as a threat[i33].

A difference of opinion has also prevailed concerning the head
of our Saviour in this picture; for some have conceived it left
intentionally unfinished[i34], while others think there is a gradation
of resemblance, which increasing in beauty in St. John and our Saviour,
shews in the dignified countenance of the latter a spark of his divine
majesty. In the countenance of the Redeemer, say these last, and in
that of Judas, is excellently expressed the extreme idea of God made
man, and of the most perfidious of mortals. This is also pursued in the
characters nearest to each of them[i35].

Little judgment can now be formed of the original beauty of this
picture, which has been, and apparently with very good reason, highly
commended. Unfortunately, though it is said to have been in oil, the
wall on which it was painted not having been properly prepared, the
original colours have been so effectually defaced by the damp, as
to be no longer visible[i36]; and the fathers, for whose use it was
painted, thinking it entirely destroyed, and some years since wishing
to heighten and widen a door under it, leading out of their refectory,
have given a decided proof of their own want of taste, and how little
they were sensible of its value, by permitting the workmen to break
through the wall on which it was painted, and, by so doing, entirely
to destroy the lower part of the picture[i37]. The injury done by the
damp to the colouring has been, it is true, in some measure repaired by
Michael Angelo Bellotti, a painter of Milan, who viewing the picture
in 1726, made an offer to the Prior and convent to restore, by means
of a secret which he possessed, the original colours. His proposition
being accepted, and the experiment succeeding beyond their hopes, the
convent made him a present of five hundred pounds for his labour, and
he in return communicated to them the secret by which it had been
effected[i38].

Deprived, as they certainly are by these events, of the means of
judging accurately of the merit of the original, it is still some
consolation to the lovers of painting, that several copies of it made
by Leonardo's scholars, many of whom were very able artists, and at a
time when the picture had not been yet injured, are still in existence.
A list of these copies is given by P. M. Guglielmo della Valle, in his
edition of Vasari's Lives of the Painters, in Italian, vol. v. p. 34,
and from him it is here inserted in the note[i39]. Francis the First
was so charmed on viewing the original, that not being able to remove
it, he had a copy made, which is now, or was some years since, at St.
Germains, and several prints have been published from it; but the best
which has yet appeared (and very fine it is) is one not long since
engraven by Morghen, at Rome, impressions of which have found their way
into this country, and been sold, it is said, for ten or twelve guineas
each.

In the same refectory of the Dominicans at Milan is, or was, also
preserved a painting by Leonardo, representing Duke Lodovic, and
Beatrix his duchess, on their knees; done no doubt about this
time[i40]. And at or near this period, he also painted for the Duke the
Nativity, which was formerly, and may perhaps be still, in the Emperor
of Germany's collection[i41].

As Leonardo's principal aim, whenever he was left at liberty to pursue
the bent of his own inclination, seems to have been progressive
improvement in the art of painting, he appears to have sedulously
embraced all opportunities of increasing his information; and wisely
perceiving, that without a thorough acquaintance with anatomy, a
painter could effect but little, he was particularly desirous of
extending his knowledge in that branch. For that purpose he had
frequent conferences on the subject with Marc Antonio della Torre,
professor of anatomy at Pavia[i42], and not only was present at many
dissections performed by him, but made abundance of anatomical drawings
from Nature, many of which were afterwards collected into a volume by
his scholar Francisco Melzi[i43].

Such perseverance and assiduity as Leonardo's, united as they were
with such uncommon powers as his, had already formed many artists at
that time of distinguished reputation, but who afterwards became still
more famous, and might probably have rendered Milan the repository
of some of the most valuable specimens of painting, and raised it to
a rank little, if at all, inferior to that which Florence has since
held with the admirers of the polite arts, had it not happened that by
the disastrous termination of a contest between the Duke of Milan and
the French, all hopes of further improvement were entirely cut off;
and Milan, at one blow, lost all the advantages of which it was even
then in possession. For about this time the troubles in Italy began
to break in on Leonardo's quiet, and he found his patron, the Duke,
engaged in a war with the French for the possession of his dukedom;
which not only endangered the academy, but ultimately deprived him both
of his dominions and his liberty; as the Duke was, in 1500, completely
defeated, taken prisoner, and carried into France, where, in 1510, he
died a prisoner in the castle of Loches[i44].

By this event of the Duke's defeat, and the consequent ruin of the
Sforza family, all further progress in the canal of Martesana, of which
much still remained to be done[i45], was put a stop to; the academy
of architecture and painting was entirely broken up; the professors
were turned adrift, and the arts banished from Milan, which at one
time had promised to have been their refuge and principal feat[i46].
Italy in general was, it is true, a gainer by the dispersion of so many
able and deeply instructed artists as issued from this school, though
Milan suffered; for nothing could so much tend to the dissemination
of knowledge as the mixing such men among others who needed that
information in which these excelled. Among the number thus separated
from each other, we find painters, carvers, architects, founders,
and engravers in crystal and precious stones, and the names of the
following have been given, as the principal: Cesare da Sesto, Andrea
Salaino, Gio. Antonio Boltraffio, Bernardino Lovino, Bartolommeo della
Porta, Lorenzo Lotto[i47]. To these has been added Gio. Paolo Lomazzo;
but Della Valle, in a note in his edition of Vasari, vol. v. p. 34,
says this last was a disciple of Gio. Battista della Cerva, and not of
Leonardo. Du Fresne mentions besides the above, Francis Melzi, Mark
Uggioni Gobbo, an extraordinary painter and carver; Annibal Fontana,
a worker in marble and precious stones; and Bernazzano, an excellent
painter of landscapes; but omits Della Porta, and Lorenzo Lotto.

In 1499, the year before Duke Lodovic's defeat, Leonardo being at
Milan, was employed by the principal inhabitants to contrive an
automaton for the entertainment of Lewis XII. King of France, who was
expected shortly to make a public entry into that city. This Leonardo
did, and it consisted of a machine representing a lion, whose inside
was so well constructed of clockwork, that it marched out to meet the
King, made a stand when it came before him, reared up on its hinder
legs, and opening its breast, presented an escutcheon with fleurs de
lis quartered on it[i48]. Lomazzo has said that this machine was made
for the entry of Francis the First; but he is mistaken, that prince
having never been at Milan till the year 1515[i49], at which time
Leonardo was at Rome.

Compelled by the disorders of Lombardy, the misfortunes of his patron,
and the ruin of the Sforza family, to quit Milan, Leonardo betook
himself to Florence, and his inducements to this resolution seem to
have been the residence there of the Medici family, the great patrons
of arts, and the good taste of its principal inhabitants[i50], rather
than its vicinity to the place of his birth; for which, under the
circumstances that attended that event, it is not probable he could
entertain much, if any predilection. The first work which he here
undertook was a design for an altar-piece for the chapel of the college
of the Annunciati. Its subject was, our Saviour, with his mother, St.
Ann, and St. John; but though this drawing is said to have rendered
Leonardo very popular among his countrymen, to so great a degree, that
numbers of people went to see it, it does not appear that any picture
was painted from it, nor that the undertaking ever proceeded farther
than a sketch of a design, or rather, perhaps, a finished drawing. When
Leonardo some years afterwards went into France[i51], Francis the First
was desirous of having a picture from this drawing, and at his desire
he then put it into colours; but whether even this last was a regular
picture, or, which is more probable, only a  drawing, we are
not informed.

The picture, however, on which he bestowed the most time and labour,
and which therefore seems intended by him as the completest specimen of
his skill, at least in the branch of portrait-painting, was that which
he did of Mona Lisa, better known by the appellation of la Gioconda, a
Florentine lady, the wife of Francisco del Giocondo. It was painted for
her husband, afterwards purchased by Francis the First, and was till
lately to be seen in the King of France's cabinet. Leonardo bestowed
four entire years upon it, and after all is said to have left it
unfinished[i52].

This has been so repeatedly said of the works of this painter, that we
are here induced to inquire into the evidence of the fact. An artist
who feels by experience, as every one must, how far short of the ideas
of perfection he has formed in his own mind, his best performances
always fall, will naturally be led to consider these as but very
faint expressions of his own conceptions. Leonardo's disposition to
think nothing effected while any thing remained to be done, and a
mind like his, continually suggesting successive improvements, might
therefore, and most probably did produce in him an opinion that his own
most laboured pieces were far from being finished to that extent of
beauty which he wished to give them; and these sentiments of them he
might in all likelihood be frequently heard to declare. Comparing his
productions, however, with those of other masters, they will be found,
notwithstanding this assertion to the contrary, as eminent in this
particular also, as for the more valuable qualities of composition,
drawing, character, expression, and colouring.

About the same time with this of la Gioconda, he painted the portraits
of a nobleman of Mantua, and of la Ginevra, a daughter of Americus
Benci[i53], much celebrated for her beauty; and is said to have
finished a picture of Flora some years since remaining at Paris[i54];
but this last Mariette discovered to be the work of Melzio, from the
circumstance of finding, on a close inspection, the name of this last
master written on it[i55].

In the year 1503, he was elected by the Florentines to paint their
council-chamber. The subject he chose for this, was the battle against
Attila[i56]; and he had already made some progress in his work,
when, to his great mortification, he found his colours peel from the
wall[i57].

With Leonardo was joined in this undertaking, Michael Angelo, who
painted another side of the room, and who, then a young man of not
more than twenty-nine, had risen to such reputation, as not to fear a
competition with Leonardo, a man of near sixty[i58]. The productions of
two such able masters placed in the same room, begun at the same time,
and proceeding gradually step by step together, afforded, no doubt,
occasion and opportunity to the admirers and critics in painting to
compare and contrast with each other their respective excellencies and
defects. Had these persons contented themselves simply with comparing
and appreciating the merits of these masters according to justice and
truth, it might perhaps have been advantageous to both, as directing
their attention to the correction of errors; but as each artist had his
admirers, each had also his enemies; the partisans of the one thinking
they did not sufficiently value the merit of their favourite if they
allowed any to his antagonist, or did not, on the contrary, endeavour
to crush by detraction the too formidable reputation of his adversary.
From this conduct was produced what might easily have been foreseen;
they first became jealous rivals, and at length open and inveterate
enemies[i59].

Leonardo's reputation, which had been for many years gradually
increasing, was now so firmly established, that he appears to have been
looked up to as being, what he really was, the reviver and restorer of
the art of painting; and to such an height had the curiosity to view
his works been excited, that Raphael, who was at that time young, and
studying, thought it worth his while to make a journey to Florence in
the month of October 1504[i60], on purpose to see them. Nor was his
labour lost, or his time thrown away in so doing; for on first seeing
the works of Leonardo's pencil, he was induced to abandon the dry and
hard manner of his master Perugino's colouring, and to adopt in its
stead the style of Leonardo[i61], to which circumstance is owing no
small portion of that esteem in the art, to which Raphael afterwards
very justly arrived.

His father having died in 1504[i62], he in consequence of that event
became engaged with his half-brothers, the legitimate sons of Pietro
da Vinci, in a law-suit for the recovery of a share of his father's
property, which in a letter from Florence to the Governor of Milan,
the date of which does not appear, he speaks of having almost brought
to a conclusion[i63]. At Florence he continued from 1503 to 1507[i64],
and in the course of that time painted, among other pictures of less
note, a Virgin and Child, once in the hands of the Botti family; and
a Baptist's head, formerly in those of Camillo Albizzi[i65]; but in
1508, and the succeeding year, he was at Milan, where he received a
pension which had been granted him by Lewis XII.[i66]; and in the
month of September 1513, he, in company with his scholar Francesco
Melzi, quitted Milan[i67], and set out for Rome (which till that
time he had never visited), encouraged perhaps to this resolution by
the circumstance that his friend Cardinal John de Medicis, who was
afterwards known by the assumed name of Leo X. had a few months before
been advanced to the papacy[i68]. His known partiality to the arts, and
the friendship which had subsisted between him and Leonardo, held out
to the latter a well-founded expectation of employment for his pencil
at Rome, and we find in this expectation he was not deceived; as, soon
after his arrival, the Pope actually signified his intention of setting
him to work. Upon this Leonardo began distilling oils for his colours,
and preparing varnishes, which the Pope hearing, said pertly and
ignorantly enough, that he could expect nothing from a man who thought
of finishing his works before he had begun them[i69]. Had the Pope
known, as he seems not to have done, that oil was the vehicle in which
the colours were to have been worked, or been witness either to the
almost annihilation of the colours in Leonardo's famous picture of the
Last Supper, owing to the damp of the wall, or to the peeling of the
colours from the wall in the council-chamber at Florence, he probably
would have spared this ill-natured reflection. If it applied at all,
it could only be to a very small part of the pursuit in which Leonardo
was occupied, namely, preparing varnish; and if age were necessary
to give the varnish strength, or it were the better for keeping, the
answer was in an equal degree both silly and impertinent; and it is no
wonder it should disgust such a mind as Leonardo's, or produce, as we
find it did, such a breach between the Pope and him, that the intended
pictures, whatever they might have been, were never begun.

Disgusted with his treatment at Rome, where the former antipathy
between him and Michael Angelo was again revived by the partisans of
each, he the next year quitted it; and accepting an invitation which
had been made him by Francis the First, he proceeded into France[i70].
At the time of this journey he is said to have been seventy years
old[i71], which cannot be correct, as he did not live to attain that
age in the whole. Probably the singularity of his appearance (for in
his latter years he permitted his beard to grow long), together with
the effect which his intense application to study had produced in his
constitution, might have given rise to an opinion that he was older
than he really was; and indeed it seems pretty clear, that when he
arrived in France he was nearly worn out in body, if not in mind,
by the anxiety and application with which he had pursued his former
studies and investigations.

Although the King's motive to this invitation, which seems to have been
a wish to profit by the pencil of Leonardo, was completely disappointed
by his ill state of health, which the fatigues of his journey and the
change of the climate produced, so that on his arrival in France no
hopes could be entertained by the King of enriching his collection
with any pictures by Leonardo; yet the French people in general, and
the King in particular, are expressly said to have been as favourable
to him as those of Rome had been injurious, and he was received by the
King in the most affectionate manner. It was however unfortunately too
soon evident that these symptoms of decay were only the forerunners of
a more fatal distemper under which for several months he languished,
but which by degrees was increasing upon him. Of this he was sensible,
and therefore in the beginning of the year 1518, he determined to make
his will, to which he afterwards added one or more codicils. By these
he first describes himself as Leonardo da Vinci, painter to the King,
at present residing at the place called Cloux, near Amboise, and then
desires to be buried in the church of St. Florentine at Amboise, and
that his body should be accompanied from the said place of Cloux to
the said church, by the college of the said church, and the chaplains
of St. Dennis of Amboise, and the friars minor of the said place; and
that before his body is carried to the said church, it should remain
three days in the chamber in which he should die, or in some other; he
further orders that three great masses and thirty lesser masses of St.
Gregory, should be celebrated there, and a like service be performed
in the church of St. Dennis, and in that of the said friars minor.
He gives and bequeaths to Franco di Melzio, a gentleman of Milan, in
return for his services, all and every the books which he the testator
has at present, and other instruments and drawings respecting his art:
To Baptista de Villanis, his servant, the moiety of the garden which
he has without the walls of Milan; and the other moiety of the said
garden to Salay his servant. He gives to the said Francesco Meltio the
arrears of his pension, and the sum of money owing to him at present,
and at the time of his death, by the treasurer M. Johan Sapin; and to
the same person all and singular his clothes and vestments. He orders
and wills, that the sum of four hundred crowns of the sum which he has
in the hands of the chamberlain of Santa Maria Nuova, at Florence,
should be given to his brethren residing at Florence, with the profit
and emolument thereon. And lastly, he appoints the said Gia. Francesco
de Meltio, whole and sole executor[i72].

This Will bears date, and appears to have been executed on the 23d of
April 1518. He however survived the making of it more than a year;
and on the 23d of April 1519[i73], the day twelvemonth on which it
had been originally made, he, though it does not appear for what
reason, re-executed it; and the next day added a codicil, by which he
gave to his servant, Gio. Battista de Villanis, the right which had
been granted him in return for his labours on the canal of Martesana,
of exacting a certain portion of all the wood transported on the
Ticino[i74].

All this interval of time between the making and re-execution of his
will, and indeed the whole period from his arrival in France, he seems
to have been struggling under an incurable illness. The King frequently
during its continuance honoured him with visits; and it has been said,
that in one of these Leonardo exerting himself beyond his strength,
to shew his sense of this prince's condescension, was seized with
a fainting fit, and that the King stooping forward to support him,
Leonardo expired in his arms, on the 2d of May 1519[i75]. Venturi has
taken some pains to disprove this fact, by shewing[i76], that though in
the interval between the years 1516 and 1519, the French court passed
eleven months at different times at Amboise; yet on the 1st of May
1519, it was certainly not here, but at St. Germains. History, however,
when incorrect, is more frequently a mixture of true and false, than
a total fabrication of falsehood; and it is therefore not impossible,
or improbable, that the King might shew such an act of kindness in
some of his visits when he was resident at Amboise, and that Leonardo
might recover from that fit, and not die till some time after; at which
latter time the Court and the King might be absent at St. Germains.
This is surely a more rational supposition than to imagine such a fact
could have been invented without any foundation for it whatever.

It is impossible within the limits that can here be allowed, to do any
thing like justice to the merits of this extraordinary man: all that
can in this place be effected is to give the principal facts respecting
him; and this is all, therefore, that has been attempted. A sufficient
account, however, at least for the present purpose, it is presumed has
been given above of the Author, and the productions of his pencil, and
it now remains therefore only to speak of those of his pen.

With what view the Author engaged in this arduous course of study,
how eager he was in the pursuit of knowledge, how anxious to avail
himself of the best means of obtaining complete information on every
subject to which he applied, and how careful to minute down whatever he
procured that could be useful, have been already shewn in the course
of the foregoing narrative; but in order to prevent the necessity of
interrupting there the succession of events, it has been reserved for
this place to describe the contents and extent of his collections, and
to give a brief idea of the branches to which they relate.

On inquiry then we learn, that Leonardo's productions of this kind
consist of fourteen manuscript volumes, large and small, now in the
library of the National Institute at Paris, whither they have been
some few years since removed from the Ambrosian library at Milan;
and of one folio volume in manuscript also, in the possession of his
Majesty the King of Great Britain. Of those at Paris, J. B. Venturi,
Professor of Natural Philosophy at Modena, and of the Institute of
Bologna, &c. who was permitted to inspect them, says[i77], that "they
contain speculations in those branches of natural philosophy nearest
allied to geometry; that they are first sketches and occasional notes,
the Author always intending afterwards to compose from them complete
treatises." He adds further, "that they are written backwards from
right to left, in the manner of the oriental writers, probably with
intention that the curious should not rob him of his discoveries.
The spirit of geometry guided him throughout, whether it were in the
art of analysing a subject in the connexion of the discourse, or the
care of always generalizing his ideas. As to natural philosophy, he
never was satisfied on any proposition if he had not proved it by
experiment." From the extracts given from these manuscripts by Venturi
himself, and which he has ranged under the different heads mentioned
in the note[i78], the contents of these volumes appear to be extremely
miscellaneous; and it is evident, as Venturi has marked by references
where each extract is to be found in the original, that from the great
distance at which passages on the same subject are placed from each
other, they must have been entered without any regard to method or
arrangement of any kind whatever.

The volume in the possession of his Britannic Majesty is described as
consisting "of a variety of elegant heads, some of which are drawn
with red and black chalks on blue or red paper, others with a metal
pencil on a tinted paper; a few of them are washed and heightened with
white, and many are on common paper. The subjects of these drawings
are miscellaneous, as portraits, caricatures, single figures, tilting,
horses, and other animals; botany, optics, perspective, gunnery,
hydraulics, mechanics, and a great number of anatomical subjects, which
are drawn with a more spirited pen, and illustrated with a variety of
manuscript notes. This volume contains what is of more importance, the
very characteristic head of Leonardo, as it was sketched by himself,
and now engraved by that eminent artist Mr. Bartolozzi[i79]." Specimens
from this volume have been published some years since by Mr. Dalton,
and more recently and accurately by Mr. Chamberlaine; and though it
must be confessed, that the former are extremely ill drawn, and betray
the grossest ignorance of the effect which light and shadow were
intended to produce, yet some of the subjects which the volume contains
may be ascertained by them; and among them is also a fac simile of a
page of the original manuscript, which proves this, like the other
volumes, to be in Italian, and written backwards. The latter is a
very beautiful work, and is calculated to give an accurate idea of
Leonardo's talents as a draughtsman[i80]. From these two publications
it appears, that this volume also is of a very miscellaneous nature,
and that it consists of manuscript entries, interspersed with finished
drawings of heads and figures, and slight sketches of mechanical
engines and anatomical subjects, some of which are intermixed with the
writing itself.

It has been already seen, that these volumes were originally given by
the will of Leonardo to Francisco Melzi; and their subsequent history
we are enabled to state on the authority of John Ambrose Mazenta,
through whose hands they passed. Du Fresne, in the life prefixed to
the edition which he published in Italian, of Leonardo da Vinci's
Treatise on Painting, has, in a very loose way, and without citing
any authority, given their history; but Venturi has inserted[i81]
a translation into French, from the original manuscript memoir of
Mazenta; and from him a version of it into English is here given, with
the addition of Venturi's notes, rendered also into English.

"It is near fifty years[i82] since there fell into my hands thirteen
volumes of Leonardo da Vinci in folio and quarto, written backwards.
Accident brought them to me in the following manner: I was residing
at Pisa, for the purpose of studying the law, in the family of Aldus
Manutius the younger, a great lover of books. A person named Lelio
Gavardi, of Asola, Prevost of S. Zeno, at Pavia, a very near relation
of Aldus, came to our house; he had been a teacher of the _belles
lettres_ in the family of the Melzi of Milan, called de Vavero, to
distinguish them from other families of the same name in that city.
He had, at their country house at Vavero, met with several drawings,
instruments, and books of Leonardo. Francisco Melzi[i83] approached
nearer than any one to the manner of De Vinci; he worked little,
because he was rich; his pictures are very much finished, they are
often confounded with those of his master. At his death he left the
works of Leonardo in his house at Vavero, to his sons, who having
tastes and pursuits of a different kind, neglected these treasures,
and soon dispersed them; Lelio Gavardi possessed himself of as many of
them as he pleased; he carried thirteen volumes to Florence, in hopes
of receiving for them a good price from the Grand Duke Francis, who
was eager after works of this sort; and the rather as Leonardo was in
great reputation in his own country. But this prince died[i84] as soon
as Gavardi was arrived at Florence. He then went to Pisa, to the house
of Manutius. I could not approve his proceeding; it was scandalous.
My studies being finished, I had occasion to return to Milan. He gave
me the volumes of Vinci, desiring me to return them to the Melzi: I
acquitted myself faithfully of my commission; I carried them all back
to Horatio, the chief of the family of Melzi, who was surprised at
my being willing to give myself this trouble. He made me a present
of these books, telling me he had still many drawings by the same
author, long neglected in the garrets of his house in the country.
Thus these books became my property, and afterwards they belonged to
my brothers[i85]. These latter having made too much parade of this
acquisition, and the ease with which I was brought to it, excited the
envy of other amateurs, who beset Horatio, and obtained from him some
drawings, some figures, some anatomical pieces, and other valuable
remains of the cabinet of Leonardo. One of these spungers for the works
of Leonardo, was Pompeo Aretin, son of the Cavalier Leoni, formerly a
disciple of Bonaroti, and who was about Philip II. King of Spain, for
whom he did all the bronzes which are at the Escurial. Pompeo engaged
himself to procure for Melzi an employment to the senate of Milan,
if he succeeded in recovering the thirteen books, wishing to offer
them to King Philip, a lover of such curiosities. Flattered with this
hope, Melzi went to my brother's house: he besought him on his knees
to restore him his present; he was a fellow-collegian, a friend, a
benefactor: seven volumes were returned to him[i86]. Of the six others
which remained to the Mazenta family, one was presented to Cardinal
Frederic Borromeo, for the Ambrosian library[i87]. My brother gave a
second to Ambrose Figini, a celebrated painter of his time, who left
it to his heir Hercole Bianchi, with the rest of his cabinet. Urged by
the Duke of Savoy, I procured for him a third; and in conclusion, my
brother having died at a distance from Milan[i88], the three remaining
volumes came also into the hands of Pompeo Aretin; he re-assembled
also others of them, he separated the leaves of them to form a thick
volume[i89], which passed to his heir Polidoro Calchi, and was
afterwards sold to Galeazzo Arconati. This gentleman keeps it now in
his rich library; he has refused it to the Duke of Savoy, and to other
princes who were desirous of it."

In addition to this memoir, Venturi notices[i90], that Howard Earl
of Arundel made ineffectual efforts to obtain this large volume,
and offered for it as far as 60,000 francs, in the name of the King
of England. Arconati would never part with it; he bought eleven
other books of Da Vinci, which came also, according to appearance,
from Leoni; in 1637 he made a gift of them all to the Ambrosian
library[i91], which already was in possession of the volume E, from
Mazenta, and received afterwards the volume K from Horatio Archinto, in
1674[i92].

Venturi says, this is the history of all the manuscripts of Vinci that
are come into France; they are in number fourteen, because the volume
B contains an appendix of eighteen leaves, which may be separated, and
considered as the fourteenth volume[i93].

In the printed catalogue of the library of Turin, one does not see
noticed the manuscript which Mazenta gave to the Duke of Savoy: it has
then disappeared. Might it not be that which an Englishman got copied
by Francis Ducci, library-keeper at Florence, and a copy of which is
still remaining in the same city[i94]?

The Trivulce family at Milan, according to Venturi[i95], possess also a
manuscript of Vinci, which is in great part only a vocabulary.

Of the volume in the possession of his Britannic Majesty, the following
account is given in the life of Leonardo, prefixed to that number
already published from it by Mr. Chamberlaine: "It was one of the three
volumes which became the property of Pompeo Leoni, that is now in his
Majesty's cabinet. It is rather probable than certain, that this great
curiosity was acquired for King Charles I. by the Earl of Arundel, when
he went Ambassador to the Emperor Ferdinand II. in 1636, as may indeed
be inferred from an instructive inscription over the place where the
volumes are kept, which sets forth, that James King of England offered
three thousand pistoles for one of the volumes of Leonardo's works. And
some documents in the Ambrosian library give colour to this conjecture.
This volume was happily preserved during the civil wars of the last
century among other specimens of the fine arts, which the munificence
of Charles I. had amassed with a diligence equal to his taste. And it
was discovered soon after his present Majesty's accession in the same
cabinet where Queen Caroline found the fine portraits of the court of
Henry VIII. by Hans Holbein, which the King's liberality permitted
me lately to lay before the public. On the cover of this volume is
written, in gold letters, what ascertains its descent; _Disegni di
Leonardo da Vinci, restaurati da Pompeo Leoni_."

Although no part of the collections of Leonardo was arranged and
prepared by himself, or others under his direction, for publication,
some extracts have been made from his writings, and given to the world
as separate tracts. The best known, and indeed the principal of these,
is the following Treatise on Painting, of which there will be occasion
to say more presently; but besides this, Edward Cooper, a London
bookseller, about the year 1720, published a fragment of a Treatise by
Leonardo da Vinci, on the Motions of the Human Body, and the Manner of
drawing Figures, according to geometrical Rules. It contains but ten
plates in folio, including the title-page, and was evidently extracted
from some of the volumes of his collections, as it consists of slight
sketches and verbal descriptions both in Italian and English, to
explain such of them as needed it.

Mr. Dalton, as has been before noticed, several years since published
some engravings from the volume in our King's collection, but they are
so badly done as to be of no value. Mr. Chamberlaine therefore, in
1796, took up the intention afresh, and in that year his first number
came out, which is all that has yet appeared.

Of the Treatise on Painting, Venturi[i96] gives the following
particulars: "The Treatise on Painting which we have of Vinci is only
a compilation of different fragments extracted from his manuscripts.
It was in the Barberini library at Rome, in 1630[i97]: the Cav. del
Pozzo obtained a copy from it, and Poussin designed the figures of it
in 1640[i98]. This copy, and another derived from the same source,
in the possession of Thevenot, served as the basis for the edition
published in 1651, by Raphael du Frene. The manuscript of Pozzo,
with the figures of Poussin, is actually at Paris, in the valuable
collection of books of Chardin[i99]. It is from this that I have taken
the relation of Mazenta; it is at the end of the manuscript under this
title: "Some Notices of the Works of Leonardo da Vinci at Milan, and
of his Books, by J. Ambrose Mazenta of Milan, of the Congregation of
the Priests Regular of St. Paul, called the Barnabites." Mazenta does
not announce himself as the author of the compilation; he may however
be so; it may also happen, that the compilation was made by the heir
himself of Vinci, Francisco Melzo. Vasari, about 1567, says[i100], that
a painter of Milan had the manuscripts of Vinci, which were written
backwards; that this painter came to him, and afterwards went to Rome,
with intention to get them printed, but that he did not know what was
the result. However it may be, Du Frene confesses that this compilation
is imperfect in many respects, and ill arranged. It is so, because the
compiler has not seized the methodical spirit of Vinci, and that there
are mixed with it some pieces which belong to other tracts; besides,
one has not seen where many other chapters have been neglected which
ought to make part of it. For example, the comparison of painting with
sculpture, which has been announced as a separate treatise of the same
author, is nothing more than a chapter belonging to the Treatise on
Painting, A. 105. All this will be complete, and put in order, in the
Treatise on Optics[i101]. In the mean time, however, the following are
the different editions of this compilation, such as it is at present:

"Trattato della Pittura di Leonardo da Vinci, nuovamente dato in Luce,
con la Vita dell' Autore da Raphaele du Frene, Parigi 1651, in fol.;
reprinted at Naples in 1733, in folio; at Bologna, in 1786, in folio;
at Florence, in 1792, in 4to. This last edition has been given from a
copy in the hand-writing of Stephano della Bella.

"----Translated into French by Roland Freart de Chambray, Paris 1651,
fol. reprinted ibid. 1716, in 12mo, and 1796, in 8vo.

"----Translated into German, in 4to. Nuremberg 1786, Weigel.

"----Translated into Greek by Panagiotto, manuscript in the Nani
library at Venice.

"Another manuscript copy of this compilation was in the possession of
P. Orlandi, from whence it passed into the library of Smith[i102].

"Cellini, in a discourse published by Morelli, says[i103], that he
possessed a copy of a book of De Vinci on Perspective, which he
communicated to Serlio, and that this latter published from it all that
he could comprehend. Might not this be the tract which Gori announces
to be in the library of the Academy of Cortona[i104]?"

The reputation in which the Treatise on Painting ought to be held,
is not now for the first time to be settled; its merit has been
acknowledged by the best judges, though at that time it laboured under
great disadvantage from the want of a proper arrangement. In the
present publication that objection is removed, and the attempt has
been favourable to the work itself, as it has shewn it, by bringing
together the several chapters that related to each other, to be a
much more complete and connected treatise than was before supposed.
Notwithstanding however the fair estimation in which it has always
stood, and which is no more than its due, one person has been found
hardy enough to endeavour, though unsuccessfully, to lessen its credit:
a circumstance which it would not have been worth while to notice, if
it had not been intimated to us, that there are still some persons
in France who side with the objector, which, as he was a Frenchman,
and Leonardo an Italian, may perhaps be ascribed, in some measure at
least, to the desire which in several instances that people have lately
shewn of claiming on behalf of their countrymen, a preference over
others, to which they are not entitled. Abraham Bosse, of the city of
Tours, an engraver in copper, who lived in the last century, is the
person here alluded to; and it may not be impertinent in this place to
state some of the motives by which he was induced to such a conduct.
At the time when this Treatise first made its appearance in France,
as well in Italian as in French, Bosse appears to have been resident
at Paris, and was a member of the Academy of Painting, where he gave
the first lessons on perspective, and, with the assistance of Mons.
Desargues, published from time to time several tracts on geometry and
perspective, the manner of designing, and the art of engraving, some
of which at least are described in the title-page, as printed at Paris
for the author[i105]. This man, in his lectures, having, it is said,
attacked some of the pictures painted by Le Brun, the then Director of
the Academy, had been very deservedly removed from his situation, and
forced to quit the Academy, for endeavouring to lessen that authority,
which for the instruction and improvement of students it was necessary
the Director should possess, and attempting thus to render fruitless
the precepts which his situation required him to deliver. As this
Treatise of Leonardo had in the translation been adopted by Le Brun,
who fully saw its value, and introduced it into the Academy for the
advantage of the students, by which means the sale of Bosse's work
might be, and probably was, affected; Bosse, at the end of a Treatise
on Geometry and Perspective, taught in the Royal Academy of Painting
and Sculpture, published by him in octavo in 1665, has inserted a paper
with this title, which in the original is given in French, but we have
preferred translating it: "_What follows is for those who shall have
the curiosity to be acquainted with a part of the procedings of Mons.
Desargues, and myself, against some of our antagonists, and part of
their skill; together with some remarks made on the contents of several
chapters of a Treatise attributed to Leonardo de Vinci, translated
from Italian into French by Mons. Freart Sieur de Chambray, from a
manuscript taken from that which is in the library of the illustrious,
virtuous, and curious Mons. le Chevalier Du Puis at Rome_."

After the explanation of his motives above given, it is not wonderful
to find him asserting, that this Treatise of Leonardo was in a number
of circumstances inferior to his own; nor to observe, that in a list of
some of the chapters which he has there given, we should be frequently
told by him that they are false, absurd, ridiculous, confused,
trifling, weak, and, in short, every thing but good. It is true that
the estimation of Leonardo da Vinci was in France too high for him to
attack without risking his own character for judgment and taste, and he
has therefore found it necessary for his purpose insidiously to suggest
that these chapters were interpolations; but of this he has produced no
proof, which, had it been the fact, might have been easily obtained, by
only getting some friend to consult Leonardo's manuscript collections
in the Ambrosian library. That he would have taken this step if he
had expected any success from it, may fairly be inferred from the
circumstance of his writing to Poussin at Rome, apparently in hopes of
inducing him to say something to the disadvantage of the work; and his
omitting to make this inquiry after the enmity he has shewn against the
book, fully justifies an opinion that he forbore to inquire, because
he was conscious that such an investigation would have terminated in
vindicating his adversaries from his aspersions, and have furnished
evidence of their fidelity and accuracy.

What the letter which he wrote to Poussin contained, he has not
informed us; but he has given us, as he says, Poussin's answer[i106],
in which are some passages relating to this Treatise, of which we here
give a translation: "As to what concerns the book of Leonard Vinci, it
is true that I have designed the human figures which are in that which
Mons. le Chevalier du Puis has; but all the others, whether geometrical
or otherwise, are of one man, named Gli Alberti, the very same who has
drawn the plants which are in the book of subterraneous Rome; and the
awkward landscapes which are behind some of the little human figures of
the copy which Mons. du Chambray has caused to be printed, have been
added to it by one Errard, without my knowing any thing of it.

"All that is good in this book may be written on one sheet of paper, in
a large character, and those who believe that I approve all that is in
it, do not know me; I who profess never to give sanction to things of
my profession which I know to be ill done and ill said."

Whoever recollects the difference in the course of study pursued and
recommended by Leonardo (that of Nature), from that observed by Poussin
(that of the antique), and remembers also the different fortunes of
Le Brun and Poussin, that the one was at the head of his profession,
enjoying all its honours and emoluments, while the other, though
conscious of his own great powers, was toiling for a daily subsistence
in comparative obscurity, may easily conceive why the latter could not
approve a work which so strongly inculcates the adopting Nature as the
guide throughout; and which was at the same time patronized by one whom
he could not but consider as his more fortunate rival. It may however
be truly affirmed, that even the talents of Poussin, great as they
certainly were, and his knowledge and correctness in drawing, would
have been abundantly improved by an attention to the rules laid down
in this Treatise, and that the study of Nature would have freed his
pictures from that resemblance to statues which his figures frequently
have, and bestowed on them the soft and fleshy appearance for which
Leonardo was so remarkable; while a minute investigation of Leonardo's
system of colouring would have produced perhaps in him as fortunate a
change as we have seen it did in the case of Raphael.

Though Bosse tells us[i107], that he had seen in the hands of Mons.
Felibien, a manuscript copy of this Tract on Painting, which he said
he had taken from the same original mentioned before, for the purpose
of translating it into French; and that on Bosse's pointing out to
him some of these errors, and informing him that Mons. de Chambray
was far advanced in his translation, he abandoned his design, and
assigned to the Sieur de Chambray the privilege he had obtained for it;
we have no intention here to enumerate or answer Bosse's objections,
merely because such an undertaking would greatly exceed the limits
which can here be allowed us. Most of them will be found captious
and splenetic, and, together with the majority of the rest, might be
fully refuted by a deduction of facts; it is however sufficient on the
present occasion to say, that wherever opportunity has been afforded
of tracing the means by which Leonardo procured his materials for any
great composition, he is found to have exactly pursued the path which
he recommends to others[i108]; and for the success of his precepts, and
what may be effected by them, we need only appeal to his own example.

To this enumeration of the productions of Leonardo's pen, and in
contradiction to the fact already asserted, that no part of his
collections was ever arranged or prepared for publication by himself,
it is probable we may be told we should add tracts on Motion; on the
Equilibrium of bodies; on the nature, equilibrium, and motion of Water;
on Anatomy; on the Anatomy of an horse; on Perspective; and on Light
and Shadow: which are either mentioned by himself in the Treatise on
Painting, or ascribed to him by others. But as to these, there is great
reason for supposing, that, though they might be intended, they were
never actually drawn up into form. Certain it is, that no such have
been ever given to the world, as those before noticed are the only
treatises of this author that have yet appeared in print; and even they
have already been shewn to be no more than extracts from the immense
mass of his collections of such passages as related to the subjects on
which they profess to give intelligence. If any tracts therefore in his
name, on any of the above topics, are any where existing in manuscript,
and in obscurity, it is probable they are only similar selections. And
indeed it will be found on inspection, that his collections consist
of a multitude of entries made at different times, without method,
order, or arrangement of any kind, so as to form an immense chaos of
intelligence, which he, like many other voluminous collectors, intended
at some future time to digest and arrange, but unfortunately postponed
this task so long, that he did not live to carry that intention into
effect. Under these circumstances, should it happen, as perhaps it
may, that any volume of the whole is confined exclusively to any one
branch of science, such as hydrostatics for instance, it was not the
consequence of a designed plan, but only arose from this accident, that
he had then made that branch the object of his pursuit, and for a time
laid aside the rest. In proof of this assertion it may be observed,
that the very treatise of light and shadow above mentioned, is
described as in the Ambrosian library at Milan, and as a folio volume
covered with red velvet, presented by Signior Mazzenta to Cardinal
Borromeo[i109]; from all which circumstances it is evidently proved
to be one of the volumes now existing in France[i110], which were
inspected and described by Venturi in the tract so often cited in the
course of this life.

Although the principal of Leonardo's productions have been already
mentioned, it has been thought proper, for the satisfaction of the
curious, here to subjoin a catalogue of such of them as have come to
our knowledge; distinguishing in it such as were only drawings, from
such as were finished pictures, and noticing also which of them have
been engraven, and by whom.




                               CATALOGUE

                                OF THE

                                 WORKS

                                  OF

                         _LEONARDO DA VINCI_.


ARCHITECTURE.

Many _designs for plans and buildings_, made by him in his youth[i111].

_A model_ made by him for raising the roof of the church of St. John,
at Florence[i112].

_The house of the family of Melzi at Vaprio_, supposed by Della Valle
to be designed by Leonardo[i113].


MODELS /and/ SCULPTURE.

Some _heads of laughing women_, modelled by him in clay, in his
youth[i114].

Some _boys' heads_ also, which appeared to have come from the hand of a
master[i115].

_Three figures in bronze_, over the gate on the north side of the
church of St. John, at Florence, made by Gio. Francesco Rustici, but
designed with the advice of Leonardo da Vinci[i116].

_A model in clay_, in alto relievo. It is a circle of about two palms
in diameter, and represents St. Jerom in a grotto, old, and much worn
out by prayer. It was in the possession of Sig. Ignazio Hugford, a
painter at Florence, who was induced to buy it in consequence of the
great praises which in his youth he had heard bestowed on it by the
celebrated Anton. Dominico Gabbiani, his master, who knew it to be of
the hand of Leonardo. This model appears to have been much studied in
the time of Pontormo and Rosso; and many copies of it, both drawings
and pictures, are to be found throughout Florence, well painted in
their manner[i117].

The _equestrian statue_ in memory of the Duke of Milan's father, which
was not only finished and exposed to view, but broken to pieces by the
French when they took possession of Milan. It has been said by some,
that the model only was finished, and the statue never cast, and that
it was the model only which the French destroyed[i118].

Vasari, p. 36, mentions a little _model_ by Leonardo in wax, but he
does not say what was its subject.


DRAWINGS.

/Vasari/, p. 24, says, that it was Leonardo's practice to model figures
from the life, and then to cover them with fine thin lawn or cambric,
so as to be able to see through it, and with the point of a fine pencil
to trace off the outlines in black and white; and that some such
drawings he had in his collection.

_A head in chiaro oscuro_, in the possession of Vasari, and mentioned
by him as divine, a drawing on paper[i119].

_A carton of Adam and Eve in Paradise_, made by him for the King of
Portugal. It is done with a pen in chiaro oscuro, and heightened with
white, and was intended to be worked as tapestry in silk and gold; but
Vasari says it was never executed, and that in his time the carton
remained at Florence, in the house of Ottaviano de Medici. Whether this
carton is still existing is unknown[i120].

_Several ridiculous heads of men and women_, formerly in Vasari's
collection, drawn in pen and ink[i121]. Aurelio Lovino had, says
Lomazzo, a book of sketches by Leonardo, of odd and ridiculous heads.
This book appears to have contained about 250 figures of countrymen
and countrywomen laughing, drawn by the hand of Leonardo. Card. Silvio
Valenti had a similar book, in which were caricature heads drawn with a
pen, like that engraven by Count Caylus. Of these caricatures mention
is made in the second volume of the Lettere Pittoriche, p. 170[i122].
The passage in the Lettere Pittoriche here referred to, is part of a
letter without any name or date, addressed _Al Sig. C. di C._; but a
note of the editor's explains these initials, as meaning Sig. Conte
di Caylus, and supposes the author to have been the younger Mariette.
The letter mentions a collection of heads from Leonardo's drawings,
published by the Count; and the editor, in another note, tells us, that
they are caricature heads drawn in pen and ink; that the originals
were bought in Holland, from Sig. Cardin. Silvio Valenti, and that the
prints of which the letter speaks, are in the famous collection of the
Corsini library. The author of the Letter supposes these caricatures to
have been drawn when Vinci retired to Melzi's house, that he invented
them as a new sort of recreation, and intended them as a subject for
the academy which he had established at Milan.

In another part of the same Letter, p. 173, 174, this collection of
drawings of heads is again mentioned, and it is there said, that it
might be that which belonged to the Earl of Arundel. This conjecture
is founded on there being many such heads engraven formerly by Hollar.
In fact, the number of the plates which he has done from drawings of
this painter, are near one hundred, which compose different series. The
author of the Letter adds, that, if a conjecture might be permitted,
we might affirm, that this is the collection of heads of which Paul
Lomazzo speaks; at least the description which he gives of a similar
collection which was in the hands of Aurelio Lovino, a painter of
Milan, corresponds with this as well in the number of the drawings
as their subjects. It represents, like this, studies from old men,
countrymen, wrinkled old women, which are all laughing. Another part of
this Letter says, it is easy to believe that the collection of drawings
of heads which occasioned this Letter, might be one of those books in
which Leonardo noted the most singular countenances.

In p. 198 of the same Letter, Hollar's engravings are said to be about
an hundred, and to have been done at Antwerp in 1645, and the following
year; and in p. 199, Count Caylus's publication is said to contain 59
plates in aqua fortis, done in 1730, and that this latter is the work
so often mentioned in the Letter.

_Another collection of the same kind of caricature heads_ mentioned in
Mariette's Letter[i123], as existing in the cabinet of either the King
of Spain or the King of Sardinia.

_Four caricature heads_, mentioned, Lett. Pitt. vol. ii. p. 190,
as being in the possession of Sig. Crozat. They are described as
drawn with a pen, and are said to have come originally from Vasari's
collection of drawings. Of this collection it is said, in a note on the
above passage, that it was afterwards carried into France, and fell
into the hands of a bookseller, who took the volume to pieces, and
disposed of the drawings separately, and that many of them came into
the cabinets of the King, and Sig. Crozat. Others say, and it is more
credible, that Vasari's collection passed into that of the Grand Dukes
of Medici.

_A head of Americo Vespucci_, in charcoal, but copied by Vasari in pen
and ink[i124].

_A head of an old man_, beautifully drawn in charcoal[i125].

_An head of Scarramuccia, captain of the gypsies_, in chalk; formerly
belonging to Pierfrancesco Giambullari, canon of St. Lorenzo, at
Florence, and left by him to Donato Valdambrini of Arezzo, canon of St.
Lorenzo also[i126].

_Several designs of combatants on horseback_, made by Leonardo for
Gentil Borri, a master of defence[i127], to shew the different
positions necessary for a horse soldier in defending himself, and
attacking his enemy.

_A carton of our Saviour, the Virgin, St. Ann, and St. John._ Vasari
says of this, that for two days, people of all sorts, men and women,
young and old, resorted to Leonardo's house to see this wonderful
performance, as if they had been going to a solemn feast; and adds,
that this carton was afterwards in France. It seems that this was
intended for an altar-piece for the high altar of the church of the
Annunziata, but the picture was never painted[i128]. However, when
Leonardo afterwards went into France, he, at the desire of Francis
the First, put the design into colours. Lomazzo has said, that this
carton of St. Ann was carried into France; that in his time it was at
Milan, in the possession of Aurelio Lovino, a painter; and that many
drawings from it were in existence. What was the fate this carton of
St. Ann underwent, may be seen in a letter of P. Resta, printed in the
third volume of the Lettere Pittoriche, in which he says, that Leonardo
made three of these cartons, and nevertheless did not convert it into
a picture, but that it was painted by Salai, and that the picture is
still in the sacristy of St. Celsus at Milan[i129].

_A drawing of an old man's head, seen in front_, in red chalk;
mentioned Lett. Pitt. vol. ii. p. 191.

_A carton_ designed by him _for painting the council-chamber at
Florence_. The subject which he chose for this purpose was, the history
of Niccolo Piccinino, the Captain of Duke Philip of Milan, in which
he drew a group of men on horseback fighting for a standard[i130].
Mariette, in a note, Lett. Pitt. vol. ii. p. 193, mentions this carton,
which he says represented two horsemen fighting for a standard; that
it was only part of a large history, the subject of which was the rout
of Niccolo Piccinino, General of the army of Philip Duke of Milan,
and that a print was engraven of it by Edelinck, when young, but the
drawing from which he worked was a bad one. In the catalogue of prints
from the works of Leonardo, inserted Lett. Pitt. vol. ii. p. 195, this
print is again mentioned and described more truly, as representing
four horsemen fighting for a standard. It is there supposed to have
been engraven from a drawing by Fiammingo, and that this drawing might
have been made from the picture which Du Fresne speaks of as being in
his time in the possession of Sig. La Maire, an excellent painter of
perspective.

_A design of Neptune drawn in his car by sea horses, attended by sea
gods_; made by him for his friend Antonio Segni[i131].

_Several anatomical drawings_ made from the life, many of which
have been since collected into a volume, by his scholar Francesco
Melzi[i132].

_A book of the Anatomy of man_, mentioned by Vasari, p. 36, the
drawings for which were made with the assistance of Marc Antonio della
Torre, before noticed in the present life. It is probably the same with
the preceding.

A beautiful and well-preserved study in red and black chalk, of the
_head of a Virgin_, from which he afterwards painted a picture. This
study was at one time in the celebrated Villa de Vecchietti, but
afterwards, in consequence of a sale, passed into the hands of Sig.
Ignazio Hugford[i133].

_Two heads of women in profile_, little differing from each other,
drawn in like manner in black and red chalk, bought at the same sale
by Sig. Hugford, but now among the Elector Palatine's collection of
drawings[i134].

_A book of the Anatomy of a horse_, mentioned by Vasari, p. 36, as
a distinct work; but probably included in Leonardo's manuscript
collections. See the account before given of them.

Several designs by Leonardo were in the possession of Sig. Jabac, who
seems to have been a collector of pictures, and to have bought up for
the King of France several excellent pictures particularly by Leonardo
da Vinci[i135].

_A drawing of a young man embracing an old woman_, whom he is caressing
for the sake of her riches. This is mentioned, Lett. Pitt. vol. ii. p.
198, as engraven by Hollar, in 1646.

_A head of a young man seen in profile_, engraven in aqua fortis
by Conte di Caylus, from a drawing in the King of France's
collection[i136].

_A fragment of a Treatise on the Motions of the Human Body_, already
mentioned in the foregoing life.

In the Lettere Pittoriche, vol. ii. p. 199, mention is made of a print
representing _some intertwisted lines upon a black ground_, in the
style of some of Albert Durer's engravings in wood. In the middle of
this, in a small compartment, is to be read, "/Academia Leonardi Vin/."
Vasari, it is there said, has noticed it as a singularity.

In p. 200 of the same work, a similar print is also noticed, which
differs only in the inscription from the former. In this last it is
/Academia Leonardi Vici/. Both this and the former print are said to
be extremely rare, and only to have been seen in the King of France's
collection. It does not however appear from any thing in the Lett.
Pitt. that they were designed by Leonardo.

The Abate di Villeloin, in his Catalogue of Prints published in 1666,
speaks, under the article of Leonardo da Vinci, of a print of the
taking down from the Cross; but the Lett. Pitt. says it was engraven
from Eneas Vico, not from Leonardo[i137].

_Two drawings of monsters_, mentioned by Lomazzo, consisting of a boy's
head each, but horribly distorted by the misplacing of the features,
and the introduction of other members not in Nature to be found
there. These two drawings were in the hands of Francesco Borella, a
sculptor[i138].

_A portrait_ by Leonardo, _of Artus, Maestro di Camera to Francis I._
drawn in black lead pencil[i139].

_The head of a Caesar crowned with oak_, among a valuable collection
of drawings in a thick volume in folio, in the possession of Sig.
Pagave[i140].

_The proportions of the human body._ The original of this is preserved
in the possession of Sig. Pagave. At the head and foot of this drawing
is to be read the description which begins thus: _Tanto apre l'Uomo
nelle braccia quanto e la sua altezza, &c._ and above all, at the
head of the work is the famous Last Supper, which he proposes to his
scholars as the rule of the art[i141].

_The Circumcision_, a large drawing mentioned Lett. Pitt. vol. ii.
283, as the work of Leonardo, by Nicolo Gabburri, in a letter dated
Florence, 4th Oct. 1732, and addressed _Al Sig. Pietro Mariette_.
Gabburri says he saw this drawing, and that it was done on white paper
a little tinted with Indian ink, and heightened with ceruse. Its owner
then was Alessandro Galilei, an architect of Florence.

_A drawing consisting of several laughing heads, in the middle of which
is another head in profile, crowned with oak leaves._ This drawing was
the property of the Earl of Arundel, and was engraven by Hollar in
1646[i142].

_A man sitting, and collecting in a looking-glass the rays of the sun,
to dazzle the eyes of a dragon who is fighting with a lion._ A print of
this is spoken of, Lett. Pitt. vol. ii. p. 197, as badly engraven by an
anonymous artist, but it is there said to have so little of Leonardo's
manner as to afford reason for believing it not designed by him, though
it might perhaps be found among his drawings in the King of France's
collection. Another print of it, of the same size, has been engraven
from the drawing by Conte de Caylus. It represents a pensive man, and
differs from the former in this respect, that in this the man is naked,
whereas in the drawing he is clothed.


PAINTINGS.

_A Madonna_, formerly in the possession of Pope Clement the
Seventh[i143].

_A small Madonna and Child_, painted for Baldassar Turini da Pescia,
who was the Datary[i144] at Lyons, the colours of which are much
faded[i145]. It is not known where this now is.

_A Virgin and Child_, at one time in the hands of the Botti
family[i146].

_The Virgin sitting in St. Ann's lap, and holding her little Son_,
formerly at Paris[i147]. This has been engraven in wood, in chiaro
oscuro, by an unknown artist. The picture was in the King of France's
cabinet, and a similar one is in the sacristy of St. Celsus at
Milan[i148].

_Another Virgin with her Son, St. John, and an Angel_, mentioned by Du
Fresne, as at Paris[i149].

_A Madonna and Child_, in the possession of the Marquis di Surdi[i150].

_A Madonna and Child_, painted on the wall in the church of St. Onofrio
at Rome[i151].

_A Madonna kneeling_, in the King's gallery in France[i152].

_An Holy Family, with St. Michael, and another Angel_, in the King of
France's collection[i153].

_A Madonna_, in the church of St. Francis at Milan, attributed to
Leonardo by Sorman[i154].

_A Virgin and Child_, by Leonardo, in Piacenza, near the church of Our
Lady in the Fields. It was bought for 300 chequins by the Principe di
Belgioioso[i155].

_A Madonna, half length, holding on her knee the infant Jesus, with a
lily in his hand._ A print of this, engraven in aqua fortis by Giuseppe
Juster, is mentioned Lett. Pitt. vol. ii. p. 196. The picture is there
said to have been in the possession of Charles Patin, and was supposed
by some to have been painted for Francis I.

_An Herodiade_, some time in Cardinal Richelieu's possession[i156].

_The daughter of Herodias, with an executioner holding out to her the
head of St. John_, in the Barberini palace[i157].

_An Herodiade with a basket, in which is the head of John the Baptist._
A print of this in aqua fortis, by Gio. Troven, under the direction of
Teniers, is mentioned Lett. Pitt. vol. ii. p. 197, and is there said
to have been done from a picture which was then in the cabinet of the
Archduke Leopold, but had been before in that of the Emperor.

Another picture of the same subject, but differently disposed. It is
also an half length. A print from it, in aqua fortis, by Alessio Loyr,
is mentioned Lett. Pitt. vol. ii. p. 197; but it is not there said in
whose possession the picture ever was.

_The angel_ in Verrochio's picture before mentioned[i158].

_The shield_, mentioned by Vasari, p. 26, as painted by him at the
request of his father, and consisting of serpents, &c.

_A head of Medusa_, in oil, in the palace of Duke Cosmo. It is still in
being, and in good preservation[i159].

_A head of an angel raising one arm in the air_, in the collection
of Duke Cosmo[i160]. Whether this is a picture, or only a drawing,
does not appear; but as Vasari does not notice any difference between
that and the head of Medusa, which he decidedly says is in oil, it is
probable that this is so also.

_The Adoration of the Magi_: it was in the house of Americo Benci,
opposite to the Portico of Peruzzi[i161].

_The famous Last Supper_, in the Refectory of the Dominican convent of
Santa Maria delle Grazie[i162]. A list of the copies made from this
celebrated picture has, together with its history, been given in a
former page. A print has been engraven from it under the direction of
Pietro Soutman; but he being a scholar of Rubens, has introduced into
it so much of Rubens's manner[i163], that it can no longer be known for
Leonardo da Vinci's. Besides this, Mariette also mentions two other
prints, one of them an engraving, the other an etching, but both by
unknown authors. He notices also, that the Count di Caylus had etched
it in aqua fortis[i164]. The print lately engraven of it by Morghen has
been already noticed in a former page.

_A Nativity_, sent as a present from the Duke of Milan to the
Emperor[i165].

_The portraits of Lodovic Sforza, Duke of Milan, and Maximilian his
eldest son, and on the other side Beatrix his dutchess, and Francesco
his other son_, all in one picture, in the same Refectory with the Last
Supper[i166].

_The portraits of two of the handsomest women at Florence_, painted by
him as a present to Lewis XII[i167].

_The painting in the council-chamber at Florence_[i168]. The subject of
this is the battle of Attila[i169].

_A portrait of Ginevra_, daughter of Americo Benci[i170].

_The portrait of Mona Lisa_, the wife of Francesco del Giocondo,
painted for her husband[i171]. Lomazzo has said, she was a Neapolitan,
but this is supposed a mistake, and that she was a Florentine[i172]. In
a note of Mariette's, Lett. Pitt. vol. ii. p. 175, this picture is said
to have been in the collection of Francis I. King of France, who gave
for it 4000 crowns.

_A small picture of a child_, which was at Pescia, in the possession of
Baldassar Turini. It is not known where this now is[i173].

_A painting of two horsemen struggling for a flag_, in the Palais Royal
at Paris[i174].

_A nobleman of Mantua_[i175].

_A picture of Flora_, which Du Fresne mentions as being in his time
at Paris. This is said to have been once in the cabinet of Mary de
Medicis[i176], and though for some time supposed to have been painted
by Leonardo da Vinci, was discovered by Mariette to have been the work
of Francisco Melzi, whose name is upon it[i177]. In the supplement to
the life of Leonardo, inserted in Della Valle's edition of Vasari, this
picture is said to have been painted for the Duke de S. Simone.

_A head of John the Baptist_, in the hands of Camillo Albizzo[i178].

_The Conception of the blessed Virgin_, for the church of St. Francis
at Milan[i179]. This was esteemed a copy, and not worth more than 30
chequins, till an Englishman came there, who thought a large sum of
money well employed in the purchase of it[i180].

_St. John in the Wilderness_, said to be at Paris[i181]. In Lett. Pitt.
vol. ii. p. 197, mention is made of a print of St. John the Baptist,
half length, by Sig. Jabac, who had the original picture, which was
formerly in the King of France's cabinet.

_Joseph and Potiphar's wife_, which Mons. de Charmois, secretary to the
Duke of Schomberg, had[i182].

_A portrait of Raphael_, in oil, in the Medici gallery. This is
mentioned in Vasari, p. 47; and though not expressly there said to be
by Leonardo, is so placed as to make it doubtful whether it was or not.

_A Nun, half length_, by Leonardo, in the possession of Abbate
Nicolini[i183].

_Two fine heads_, painted in oil by Leonardo, bought at Florence by
Sig. Bali di Breteuil, ambassador from Malta to Rome. One of these,
representing a woman, was in his first manner. The other, a Virgin, in
his last[i184].

_A Leda_, which Lomazzo says was at Fontainebleau, and did not yield in
colouring to the portrait of Joconda in the Duke's gallery. Richardson
says it was in the palace Mattei[i185].

_The head of a dead man_, with all its minute parts, painted by
Leonardo, formerly in the Mattei palace, but no longer there[i186].

A picture containing a study of _two most delicate female heads_, in
the Barberini palace at Rome[i187].

_A portrait of a girl with a book in her hand_, in the Strozzi palace
in Rome[i188].

_The Dispute of Jesus with the Doctors_, half length, in the Panfili
palace[i189].

Five pictures in the Ambrosian library at Milan, the subjects not
mentioned[i190].

Some in the gallery of the archbishopric at Milan, the number and
subjects equally unnoticed[i191].

One picture in the sacristy of Santa Maria, near St. Celsus at
Milan[i192].

_A small head of Christ_, while a youth, mentioned by Lomazzo. Probably
this may be the study for the picture of Jesus disputing with the
Doctors, at the Panfili palace[i193].

_St. Michael with a man kneeling_, in the King of France's
collection[i194].

_A Bacchus_, in the same collection[i195].

_The fair Ferraia_, in the same collection[i196].

_A portrait of a lady_, there also[i197].

_A Christ with a globe in his hand_[i198]. A very fine picture, half
length, now in the possession of Richard Troward, Esq. of Pall Mall.
This was engraven by Hollar in 1650, in aqua fortis[i199].

_The Fall of Phaeton_, in the gallery of the Grand Duke of Tuscany, of
which Scannelli speaks, but it is mentioned by no one else[i200].

_St. Catherine with a palm-branch_, in the gallery of the Duke of
Modena[i201].

_The head of a young man armed_, in the same collection, very graceful,
but inferior to the St. Catherine[i202].

_A portrait of the Queen of Naples_, which was in the Aldobrandini
gallery, but afterwards to be found in a chamber of portraits in the
Panfili palace. It is not equal in colouring to the Dispute of Jesus
with the Doctors[i203].

_A portrait in profile of the Dutchess of Milan_, mentioned by
Richardson as being in a chamber leading to the Ambrosian library[i204].

_A beautiful figure of the Virgin, half length_, in the palace of
Vaprio. It is of a gigantic size, for the head of the Virgin is
six common palms in size, and that of the Divine Infant four in
circumference. Della Valle speaks of having seen this in the year 1791,
and says he is not ignorant that tradition ascribes this Madonna to
Bramante, notwithstanding which he gives it to Leonardo[i205].

_A laughing Pomona with three veils_, commended by Lomazzo. It was done
for Francis I. King of France[i206].

_The portrait of Cecilia Gallarani_, mentioned by Bellincione in one of
his sonnets, as painted by Leonardo[i207].

_Another of Lucrezia Cavelli_, a celebrated performer on the lute,
ascribed to him on the same authority. Copies of both this and the
former may be seen at Milan[i208].

_Our Saviour before Pilate_, in the church of S. Florentino, at
Amboise. It is thought that the carton only of this was Leonardo's, and
that the picture was painted by Andrea Salai, or Melzi[i209].

_A portrait of Leonardo_ by himself, half length, in the Ambrosian
library at Milan[i210]. Della Valle has inserted a copy of this before
the Supplement to Leonardo's Life, in his edition of Vasari, for
which purpose Sig. Pagave transmitted him a drawing from the original
picture. But Leonardo's own drawing for the picture itself, is in the
possession of his Britannic Majesty, and from that Mr. Chamberlaine
has prefixed to his publication before mentioned, a plate engraven by
Bartolozzi.




                                   A

                               TREATISE,

                                 _&c._




                               DRAWING.




                              PROPORTION.




/Chap. I./--_What the young Student in Painting ought in the first
Place to learn._


/The/ young student should, in the first place, acquire a knowledge
of perspective, to enable him to give to every object its proper
dimensions: after which, it is requisite that he be under the care of
an able master, to accustom him, by degrees, to a good style of drawing
the parts. Next, he must study Nature, in order to confirm and fix in
his mind the reason of those precepts which he has learnt. He must also
bestow some time in viewing the works of various old masters, to form
his eye and judgment, in order that he may be able to put in practice
all that he has been taught[1].




/Chap. II./--_Rule for a young Student in Painting._


/The/ organ of sight is one of the quickest, and takes in at a single
glance an infinite variety of forms; notwithstanding which, it cannot
perfectly comprehend more than one object at a time. For example, the
reader, at one look over this page, immediately perceives it full of
different characters; but he cannot at the same moment distinguish each
letter, much less can he comprehend their meaning. He must consider it
word by word, and line by line, if he be desirous of forming a just
notion of these characters. In like manner, if we wish to ascend to
the top of an edifice, we must be content to advance step by step,
otherwise we shall never be able to attain it.

A young man, who has a natural inclination to the study of this art,
I would advise to act thus: In order to acquire a true notion of the
form of things, he must begin by studying the parts which compose
them, and not pass to a second till he has well stored his memory, and
sufficiently practised the first; otherwise he loses his time, and will
most certainly protract his studies. And let him remember to acquire
accuracy before he attempts quickness.




/Chap. III./--_How to discover a young Man's Disposition for Painting._


/Many/ are very desirous of learning to draw, and are very fond of it,
who are, notwithstanding, void of a proper disposition for it. This may
be known by their want of perseverance; like boys, who draw every thing
in a hurry, never finishing, or shadowing.




/Chap. IV./--_Of Painting, and its Divisions._


/Painting/ is divided into two principal parts. The first is the figure,
that is, the lines which distinguish the forms of bodies, and their
component parts. The second is the colour contained within those limits.




/Chap. V./--_Division of the Figure._


/The/ form of bodies is divided into two parts; that is, the proportion
of the members to each other, which must correspond with the whole; and
the motion, expressive of what passes in the mind of the living figure.




/Chap. VI./--_Proportion of Members._


/The/ proportion of members is again divided into two parts, viz.
equality, and motion. By equality is meant (besides the measure
corresponding with the whole), that you do not confound the members
of a young subject with those of old age, nor plump ones with those
that are lean; and that, moreover, you do not blend the robust and firm
muscles of man with feminine softness: that the attitudes and motions
of old age be not expressed with the quickness and alacrity of youth;
nor those of a female figure like those of a vigorous young man. The
motions and members of a strong man should be such as to express his
perfect state of health.




/Chap. VII./--_Of Dimensions in general._


/In/ general, the dimensions of the human body are to be considered
in the length, and not in the breadth; because in the wonderful works
of Nature, which we endeavour to imitate, we cannot in any species
find any one part in one model precisely similar to the same part in
another. Let us be attentive, therefore, to the variation of forms,
and avoid all monstrosities of proportion; such as long legs united
to short bodies, and narrow chests with long arms. Observe also
attentively the measure of joints, in which Nature is apt to vary
considerably; and imitate her example by doing the same.




/Chap. VIII./--_Motion, Changes, and Proportion of Members._


/The/ measures of the human body vary in each member, according as it
is more or less bent, or seen in different views, increasing on one
side as much as they diminish on the other.




/Chap. IX./--_The Difference of Proportion between Children and grown
Men._


/In/ men and children I find a great difference between the joints of
the one and the other in the length of the bones. A man has the length
of two heads from the extremity of one shoulder to the other, the same
from the shoulder to the elbow, and from the elbow to the fingers; but
the child has only one, because Nature gives the proper size first to
the seat of the intellect, and afterwards to the other parts.




/Chap. X./--_The Alterations in the Proportion of the human Body from
Infancy to full Age._


/A man/, in his infancy, has the breadth of his shoulders equal to the
length of the face, and to the length of the arm from the shoulder
to the elbow, when the arm is bent[2]. It is the same again from the
lower belly to the knee, and from the knee to the foot. But, when a
man is arrived at the period of his full growth, every one of these
dimensions becomes double in length, except the face, which, with
the top of the head, undergoes but very little alteration in length.
A well-proportioned and full-grown man, therefore, is ten times the
length of his face; the breadth of his shoulders will be two faces, and
in like manner all the above lengths will be double. The rest will be
explained in the general measurement of the human body[3].




/Chap. XI./--_Of the Proportion of Members._


/All/ the parts of any animal whatever must be correspondent with
the whole. So that, if the body be short and thick, all the members
belonging to it must be the same. One that is long and thin must have
its parts of the same kind; and so of the middle size. Something of the
same may be observed in plants, when uninjured by men or tempests; for
when thus injured they bud and grow again, making young shoots from old
plants, and by those means destroying their natural symmetry.




/Chap. XII./--_That every Part be proportioned to its Whole._


/If/ a man be short and thick, be careful that all his members be
of the same nature, viz. short arms and thick, large hands, short
fingers, with broad joints; and so of the rest.




/Chap. XIII./--_Of the Proportion of the Members._


/Measure/ upon yourself the proportion of the parts, and, if you find
any of them defective, note it down, and be very careful to avoid it in
drawing your own compositions. For this is reckoned a common fault in
painters, to delight in the imitation of themselves.




/Chap. XIV./--_The Danger of forming an erroneous Judgment in regard to
the Proportion and Beauty of the Parts._


/If/ the painter has clumsy hands, he will be apt to introduce them
into his works, and so of any other part of his person, which may not
happen to be so beautiful as it ought to be. He must, therefore, guard
particularly against that self-love, or too good opinion of his own
person, and study by every means to acquire the knowledge of what is
most beautiful, and of his own defects, that he may adopt the one and
avoid the other.




/Chap. XV./--_Another Precept._


/The/ young painter must, in the first instance, accustom his hand to
copying the drawings of good masters; and when his hand is thus formed,
and ready, he should, with the advice of his director, use himself also
to draw from relievos; according to the rules we shall point out in the
treatise on drawing from relievos[4].




/Chap. XVI./--_The Manner of drawing from Relievos, and rendering Paper
fit for it._


/When/ you draw from relievos, tinge your paper of some darkish
demi-tint. And after you have made your outline, put in the darkest
shadows, and, last of all, the principal lights, but sparingly,
especially the smaller ones; because those are easily lost to the eye
at a very moderate distance[5].




/Chap. XVII./--_Of drawing from Casts or Nature._


/In/ drawing from relievo, the draftsman must place himself in such a
manner, as that the eye of the figure to be drawn be level with his
own[6].




/Chap. XVIII./--_To draw Figures from Nature._


/Accustom/ yourself to hold a plummet in your hand, that you may judge
of the bearing of the parts.




/Chap. XIX./--_Of drawing from Nature._


/When/ you draw from Nature, you must be at the distance of three times
the height of the object; and when you begin to draw, form in your own
mind a certain principal line (suppose a perpendicular); observe well
the bearing of the parts towards that line; whether they intersect, are
parallel to it, or oblique.




/Chap. XX./--_Of drawing Academy Figures._


/When/ you draw from a naked model, always sketch in the whole of the
figure, suiting all the members well to each other; and though you
finish only that part which appears the best, have a regard to the
rest, that, whenever you make use of such studies, all the parts may
hang together.

In composing your attitudes, take care not to turn the head on the same
side as the breast, nor let the arm go in a line with the leg[7]. If
the head turn towards the right shoulder, the parts must be lower on
the left side than on the other; but if the chest come forward, and the
head turn towards the left, the parts on the right side are to be the
highest.




/Chap. XXI./--_Of studying in the Dark, on first waking in the Morning,
and before going to sleep._


/I have/ experienced no small benefit, when in the dark and in bed, by
retracing in my mind the outlines of those forms which I had previously
studied, particularly such as had appeared the most difficult to
comprehend and retain; by this method they will be confirmed and
treasured up in the memory.




/Chap. XXII./--_Observations on drawing Portraits._


/The/ cartilage, which raises the nose in the middle of the face,
varies in eight different ways. It is equally straight, equally
concave, or equally convex, which is the first sort. Or, secondly,
unequally straight, concave, or convex. Or, thirdly, straight in the
upper part, and concave in the under. Or, fourthly, straight again
in the upper part, and convex in those below. Or, fifthly, it may be
concave and straight beneath. Or, sixthly, concave above, and convex
below. Or, seventhly, it may be convex in the upper part, and straight
in the lower. And in the eighth and last place, convex above, and
concave beneath.

The uniting of the nose with the brows is in two ways, either it is
straight or concave. The forehead has three different forms. It is
straight, concave, or round. The first is divided into two parts, viz.
it is either convex in the upper part, or in the lower, sometimes both;
or else flat above and below.




/Chap. XXIII./--_The Method of retaining in the Memory the Likeness of
a Man, so as to draw his Profile, after having seen him only once._


/You/ must observe and remember well the variations of the four
principal features in the profile; the nose, mouth, chin, and forehead.
And first of the nose, of which there are three different sorts[8],
straight, concave, and convex. Of the straight there are but four
variations, short or long, high at the end, or low. Of the concave
there are three sorts; some have the concavity above, some in the
middle, and some at the end. The convex noses also vary three ways;
some project in the upper part, some in the middle, and others at the
bottom. Nature, which seems to delight in infinite variety, gives again
three changes to those noses which have a projection in the middle; for
some have it straight, some concave, and some convex.




/Chap. XXIV./--_How to remember the Form of a Face._


/If/ you wish to retain with facility the general look of a face, you
must first learn how to draw well several faces, mouths, eyes, noses,
chins, throats, necks, and shoulders; in short, all those principal
parts which distinguish one man from another. For instance, noses are
often different sorts[9]. Straight, bunched, concave, some raised
above, some below the middle, aquiline, flat, round, and sharp. These
affect the profile. In the front view there are eleven different sorts.
Even, thick in the middle, thin in the middle, thick at the tip, thin
at the beginning, thin at the tip, and thick at the beginning. Broad,
narrow, high, and low nostrils; some with a large opening, and some
more shut towards the tip.

The same variety will be found in the other parts of the face, which
must be drawn from Nature, and retained in the memory. Or else, when
you mean to draw a likeness from memory, take with you a pocket-book,
in which you have marked all these variations of features, and after
having given a look at the face you mean to draw, retire a little
aside, and note down in your book which of the features are similar to
it; that you may put it all together at home.




/Chap. XXV./--_That a Painter should take Pleasure in the Opinion of
every body._


/A painter/ ought not certainly to refuse listening to the opinion of
any one; for we know that, although a man be not a painter, he may have
just notions of the forms of men; whether a man has a hump on his back,
a thick leg, or a large hand; whether he be lame, or have any other
defect. Now, if we know that men are able to judge of the works of
Nature, should we not think them more able to detect our errors?




ANATOMY.




/Chap. XXVI./--_What is principally to be observed in Figures._


/The/ principal and most important consideration required in drawing
figures, is to set the head well upon the shoulders, the chest upon the
hips, the hips and shoulders upon the feet.




/Chap. XXVII./--_Mode of Studying._


/Study/ the science first, and then follow the practice which results
from that science. Pursue method in your study, and do not quit one
part till it be perfectly engraven in the memory; and observe what
difference there is between the members of animals and their joints[10].




/Chap. XXVIII./--_Of being universal._


/It/ is an easy matter for a man who is well versed in the principles
of his art, to become universal in the practice of it, since all
animals have a similarity of members, that is, muscles, tendons, bones,
&c. These only vary in length or thickness, as will be demonstrated
in the Anatomy[11]. As for aquatic animals, of which there is great
variety, I shall not persuade the painter to take them as a rule,
having no connexion with our purpose.




/Chap. XXIX./--_A Precept for the Painter._


/It/ reflects no great honour on a painter to be able to execute only
one thing well, such as a head, an academy figure, or draperies,
animals, landscape, or the like, confining himself to some particular
object of study; because there is scarcely a person so void of genius
as to fail of success, if he apply earnestly to one branch of study,
and practise it continually.




/Chap. XXX./--_Of the Measures of the human Body, and the bending of
Members._


/It/ is very necessary that painters should have a knowledge of
the bones which support the flesh by which they are covered, but
particularly of the joints, which increase and diminish the length of
them in their appearance. As in the arm, which does not measure the
same when bent, as when extended; its difference between the greatest
extension and bending, is about one eighth of its length. The increase
and diminution of the arm is effected by the bone projecting out of
its socket at the elbow; which, as is seen in figure A B, Plate I. is
lengthened from the shoulder to the elbow; the angle it forms being
less than a right angle. It will appear longer as that angle becomes
more acute, and will shorten in proportion as it becomes more open or
obtuse.

[Illustration:
_Page 15_.
_Chap. 37_.
_Plate 1_.

_London, Published by J. Taylor High Holborn._]




/Chap. XXXI./--_Of the small Bones in several Joints of the human Body._


/There/ are in the joints of the human body certain small bones, fixed
in the middle of the tendons which connect several of the joints. Such
are the patellas of the knees, and the joints of the shoulders, and
those of the feet. They are eight in number, one at each shoulder, one
at each knee, and two at each foot under the first joint of the great
toe towards the heel. These grow extremely hard as a man advances in
years.




/Chap. XXXII./--_Memorandum to be observed by the Painter._


/Note/ down which muscles and tendons are brought into action by the
motion of any member, and when they are hidden. Remember that these
remarks are of the greatest importance to painters and sculptors, who
profess to study anatomy, and the science of the muscles. Do the same
with children, following the different gradations of age from their
birth even to decrepitude, describing the changes which the members,
and particularly the joints, undergo; which of them grow fat, and which
lean.




/Chap. XXXIII./--_The Shoulders._


/The/ joints of the shoulders, and other parts which bend, shall be
noticed in their places in the Treatise on Anatomy, where the cause
of the motions of all the parts which compose the human body shall be
explained[12].




/Chap. XXXIV./--_The Difference of Joints between Children and grown
Men._


/Young/ children have all their joints small, but they are thick and
plump in the spaces between them; because there is nothing upon the
bones at the joints, but some tendons to bind the bones together. The
soft flesh, which is full of fluids, is enclosed under the skin in the
space between the joints; and as the bones are bigger at the joints
than in the space between them, the skin throws off in the progress to
manhood that superfluity, and draws nearer to the bones, thinning the
whole part together. But upon the joints it does not lessen, as there
is nothing but cartilages and tendons. For these reasons children are
small in the joints, and plump in the space between, as may be observed
in their fingers, arms, and narrow shoulders. Men, on the contrary, are
large and full in the joints, in the arms and legs; and where children
have hollows, men are knotty and prominent.




/Chap. XXXV./--_Of the Joints of the Fingers._


/The/ joints of the fingers appear larger on all sides when they
bend; the more they bend the larger they appear. The contrary is the
case when straight. It is the same in the toes, and it will be more
perceptible in proportion to their fleshiness.




/Chap. XXXVI./--_Of the Joint of the Wrist._


/The/ wrist or joint between the hand and arm lessens on closing the
hand, and grows larger when it opens. The contrary happens in the arm,
in the space between the elbow and the hand, on all sides; because in
opening the hand the muscles are extended and thinned in the arm, from
the elbow to the wrist; but when the hand is shut, the same muscles
swell and shorten. The tendons alone start, being stretched by the
clenching of the hand.




/Chap. XXXVII./--_Of the Joint of the Foot._


/The/ increase and diminution in the joint of the foot is produced
on that side where the tendons are seen, as D E F, _Plate I._ which
increases when the angle is acute, and diminishes when it becomes
obtuse. It must be understood of the joint in the front part of the
foot A B C.




/Chap. XXXVIII./--_Of the Knee._


/Of/ all the members which have pliable joints, the knee is the only
one that lessens in the bending, and becomes larger by extension.




/Chap. XXXIX./--_Of the Joints._


/All/ the joints of the human body become larger by bending, except
that of the leg.




/Chap. XL./--_Of the Naked._


/When/ a figure is to appear nimble and delicate, its muscles must
never be too much marked, nor are any of them to be much swelled.
Because such figures are expressive of activity and swiftness, and are
never loaded with much flesh upon the bones. They are made light by the
want of flesh, and where there is but little flesh there cannot be any
thickness of muscles.




/Chap. XLI./--_Of the Thickness of the Muscles._


/Muscular/ men have large bones, and are in general thick and short,
with very little fat; because the fleshy muscles in their growth
contract closer together, and the fat, which in other instances lodges
between them, has no room. The muscles in such thin subjects, not being
able to extend, grow in thickness, particularly towards their middle,
in the parts most removed from the extremities.




/Chap. XLII./--_Fat Subjects have small Muscles._


/Though/ fat people have this in common with muscular men, that they
are frequently short and thick, they have thin muscles; but their skin
contains a great deal of spongy and soft flesh full of air; for that
reason they are lighter upon the water, and swim better than muscular
people.




/Chap. XLIII./--_Which of the Muscles disappear in the different
Motions of the Body._


/In/ raising or lowering the arm, the pectoral muscles disappear, or
acquire a greater relievo. A similar effect is produced by the hips,
when they bend either inwards or outwards. It is to be observed, that
there is more variety of appearances in the shoulders, hips, and neck,
than in any other joint, because they are susceptible of the greatest
variety of motions. But of this subject I shall make a separate
treatise[13].




/Chap. XLIV./--_Of the Muscles._


/The/ muscles are not to be scrupulously marked all the way, because it
would be disagreeable to the sight, and of very difficult execution.
But on that side only where the members are in action, they should
be pronounced more strongly; for muscles that are at work naturally
collect all their parts together, to gain increase of strength, so
that some small parts of those muscles will appear, that were not seen
before.




/Chap. XLV./--_Of the Muscles._


/The/ muscles of young men are not to be marked strongly, nor too much
swelled, because that would indicate full strength and vigour of age,
which they have not yet attained. Nevertheless they must be more or
less expressed, as they are more or less employed. For those which are
in motion are always more swelled and thicker than those which remain
at rest. The intrinsic and central line of the members which are bent,
never retains its natural length.




/Chap. XLVI./--_The Extension and Contraction of the Muscles._


/The/ muscle at the back part of the thigh shows more variety in
its extension and contraction, than any other in the human body; the
second, in that respect, are those which compose the buttocks; the
third, those of the back; the fourth, those of the neck; the fifth,
those of the shoulders; and the sixth, those of the Abdomen, which,
taking their rise under the breast, terminate under the lower belly; as
I shall explain when I speak of each.




/Chap. XLVII./--_Of the Muscle between the Chest and the lower Belly._


/There/ is a muscle which begins under the breast at the Sternum, and
is inserted into, or terminates at the Os pubis, under the lower belly.
It is called the Rectus of the Abdomen; it is divided, lengthways,
into three principal portions, by transverse tendinous intersections
or ligaments, viz. the superior part, and a ligament; the second part,
with its ligaments; and the third part, with the third ligament;
which last unites by tendons to the Os pubis. These divisions and
intersections of the same muscle are intended by nature to facilitate
the motion when the body is bent or distended. If it were made of one
piece, it would produce too much variety when extended, or contracted,
and also would be considerably weaker. When this muscle has but little
variety in the motion of the body, it is more beautiful[14].




/Chap. XLVIII./--_Of a Man's complex Strength, but first of the Arm._


/The/ muscles which serve either to straighten or bend the arm, arise
from the different processes of the Scapula; some of them from the
protuberances of the Humerus, and others about the middle of the Os
humeri. The extensors of the arm arise from behind, and the flexors
from before.

That a man has more power in pulling than in pushing, has been proved
by the ninth proposition De Ponderibus[15], where it is said, that of
two equal weights, that will have the greatest power which is farthest
removed from the pole or centre of its balance. It follows then of
course, that the muscle N B, _Plate II._ and the muscle N C, being of
equal power, the inner muscle N C, will nevertheless be stronger than
the outward one N B, because it is inserted into the arm at C, a point
farther removed from the centre of the elbow A, than B, which is on
the other side of such centre, so that that question is determined.
But this is a simple power, and I thought it best to explain it before
I mentioned the complex power of the muscles, of which I must now
take notice. The complex power, or strength, is, for instance, this,
when the arm is going to act, a second power is added to it (such as
the weight of the body and the strength of the legs, in pulling or
pushing), consisting in the extension of the parts, as when two men
attempt to throw down a column; the one by pushing, and the other by
pulling[16].




/Chap. XLIX./--_In which of the two Actions, Pulling or Pushing, a Man
has the greatest Power_, Plate II.


/A man/ has the greatest power in pulling, for in that action he has
the united exertion of all the muscles of the arm, while some of them
must be inactive when he is pushing; because when the arm is extended
for that purpose, the muscles which move the elbow cannot act, any
more than if he pushed with his shoulders against the column he means
to throw down; in which case only the muscles that extend the back,
the legs under the thigh, and the calves of the legs, would be active.
From which we conclude, that in pulling there is added to the power
of extension the strength of the arms, of the legs, of the back, and
even of the chest, if the oblique motion of the body require it. But
in pushing, though all the parts were employed, yet the strength of
the muscles of the arms is wanting; for to push with an extended arm
without motion does not help more than if a piece of wood were placed
from the shoulder to the column meant to be pushed down.

[Illustration:
_Page 22_.
_Chap. 48, 49_.
_Plate 2_.

_London, Published by J. Taylor High Holborn._]




/Chap. L./--_Of the bending of Members, and of the Flesh round the
bending Joint._


/The/ flesh which covers the bones near and at the joints, swells or
diminishes in thickness according to their bending or extension; that
is, it increases at the inside of the angle formed by the bending, and
grows narrow and lengthened on the outward side of the exterior angle.
The middle between the convex and concave angle participates of this
increase or diminution, but in a greater or less degree as the parts
are nearer to, or farther from, the angles of the bending joints.




/Chap. LI./--_Of the naked Body._


/The/ members of naked men who work hard in different attitudes, will
shew the muscles more strongly on that side where they act forcibly to
bring the part into action; and the other muscles will be more or less
marked, in proportion as they co-operate in the same motion.




/Chap. LII./--_Of a Ligament without Muscles._


/Where/ the arm joins with the hand, there is a ligament, the largest
in the human body, which is without muscles, and is called the strong
ligament of the Carpus; it has a square shape, and serves to bind
and keep close together the bones of the arm, and the tendons of the
fingers, and prevent their dilating, or starting out.




/Chap. LIII./--_Of Creases._


/In/ bending the joints the flesh will always form a crease on the
opposite side to that where it is tight.




/Chap. LIV./--_How near behind the Back one Arm can be brought to the
other_, Plate III. and IV.


/When/ the arms are carried behind the back, the elbows can never be
brought nearer than the length from the elbow to the end of the longest
finger; so that the fingers will not be seen beyond the elbows, and
in that situation, the arms with the shoulders form a perfect square.
The greatest extension of the arm across the chest is, when the elbow
comes over the pit of the stomach; the elbow and the shoulder in this
position, will form an equilateral triangle.




/Chap. LV./--_Of the Muscles._


/A naked/ figure being strongly marked, so as to give a distinct view
of all the muscles, will not express any motion; because it cannot
move, if some of its muscles do not relax while the others are pulling.
Those which relax cease to appear in proportion as the others pull
strongly and become apparent.

[Illustration:
_Page 24_.
_Chap. 54_.
_Plate 3_.

_London, Published by J. Taylor High Holborn._]

[Illustration:
_Page 24_.
_Chap. 53_.
_Plate 4_.

_London, Published by J. Taylor High Holborn._]




/Chap. LVI./--_Of the Muscles._


/The/ muscles of the human body are to be more or less marked according
to their degree of action. Those only which act are to be shewn, and
the more forcibly they act, the stronger they should be pronounced.
Those that do not act at all must remain soft and flat.




/Chap. LVII./--_Of the Bending of the Body._


/The/ bodies of men diminish as much on the side which bends, as they
increase on the opposite side. That diminution may at last become
double, in proportion to the extension on the other side. But of this I
shall make a separate treatise[17].




/Chap. LVIII./--_The same Subject._


/The/ body which bends, lengthens as much on one side as it shortens
on the other; but the central line between them will never lessen or
increase.




/Chap. LIX./--_The Necessity of anatomical Knowledge._


/The/ painter who has obtained a perfect knowledge of the nature of the
tendons and muscles, and of those parts which contain the most of them,
will know to a certainty, in giving a particular motion to any part of
the body, which, and how many of the muscles give rise and contribute
to it; which of them, by swelling, occasion their shortening, and which
of the cartilages they surround.

He will not imitate those who, in all the different attitudes they
adopt, or invent, make use of the same muscles, in the arms, back, or
chest, or any other parts.




MOTION AND EQUIPOISE OF FIGURES.


/Chap. LX./--_Of the Equipoise of a Figure standing still._


/The/ non-existence of motion in any animal resting on its feet, is
owing to the equality of weight distributed on each side of the line of
gravity.




/Chap. LXI./--_Motion produced by the Loss of Equilibrium._


/Motion/ is created by the loss of due equipoise, that is, by
inequality of weight; for nothing can move of itself, without losing
its centre of gravity, and the farther that is removed, the quicker and
stronger will be the motion.

[Illustration:
_Page 27_.
_Chap. 62_.
_Plate 5_.

_London, Published by J. Taylor High Holborn._]




/Chap. LXII./--_Of the Equipoise of Bodies_, Plate V.


/The/ balance or equipoise of parts in the human body is of two sorts,
viz. simple, and complex. Simple, when a man stands upon his feet
without motion: in that situation, if he extends his arms at different
distances from the middle, or stoop, the centre of his weight will
always be in a perpendicular line upon the centre of that foot which
supports the body; and if he rests equally upon both feet, then the
middle of the chest will be perpendicular to the middle of the line
which measures the space between the centres of his feet.

The complex balance is, when a man carries a weight not his own, which
he bears by different motions; as in the figure of Hercules stifling
Anteus, by pressing him against his breast with his arms, after he has
lifted him from the ground. He must have as much of his own weight
thrown behind the central line of his feet, as the weight of Anteus
adds before.




/Chap. LXIII./--_Of Positions._


/The/ pit of the neck, between the two Clavicles, falls perpendicularly
with the foot which bears the weight of the body. If one of the arms be
thrown forwards, this pit will quit that perpendicular; and if one of
the legs goes back, that pit is brought forwards, and so changes its
situation at every change of posture.




/Chap. LXIV./--_Of balancing the Weight round the Centre of Gravity in
Bodies._


/A figure/ standing upon its feet without motion, will form an
equipoise of all its members round the centre of its support.

If this figure without motion, and resting upon its feet, happens to
move one of its arms forwards, it must necessarily throw as much of its
weight on the opposite side, as is equal to that of the extended arm
and the accidental weight. And the same I say of every part, which is
brought out beyond its usual balance.




/Chap. LXV./--_Of Figures that have to lift up, or carry any Weight._


/A weight/ can never be lifted up or carried by any man, if he do not
throw more than an equal weight of his own on the opposite side.




/Chap. LXVI./--_The Equilibrium of a Man standing upon his Feet_, Plate
VI.


/The/ weight of a man resting upon one leg will always be equally
divided on each side of the central or perpendicular line of gravity,
which supports him.




/Chap. LXVII./--_Of Walking_, Plate VII.


/A man/ walking will always have the centre of gravity over the centre
of the leg which rests upon the ground.

[Illustration:
_Page 28_.
_Chap. 66_.
_Plate 6_.

_London, Published by J. Taylor High Holborn._]

[Illustration:
_Page 28_.
_Chap. 67_.
_Plate 7_.

_London, Published by J. Taylor High Holborn._]




/Chap. LXVIII./--_Of the Centre of Gravity in Men and Animals._


/The/ legs, or centre of support, in men and animals, will approach
nearer to the centre of gravity, in proportion to the slowness of their
motion; and, on the contrary, when the motion is quicker, they will be
farther removed from that perpendicular line.




/Chap. LXIX./--_Of the corresponding Thickness of Parts on each Side of
the Body._


/The/ thickness or breadth of the parts in the human body will never be
equal on each side, if the corresponding members do not move equally
and alike.




/Chap. LXX./--_Of the Motions of Animals._


/All/ bipeds in their motions lower the part immediately over the foot
that is raised, more than over that resting on the ground, and the
highest parts do just the contrary. This is observable in the hips and
shoulders of a man when he walks; and also in birds in the head and
rump.




/Chap. LXXI./--_Of Quadrupeds and their Motions._


/The/ highest parts of quadrupeds are susceptible of more variation
when they walk, than when they are still, in a greater or less degree,
in proportion to their size. This proceeds from the oblique position of
their legs when they touch the ground, which raise the animal when they
become straight and perpendicular upon the ground.




/Chap. LXXII./--_Of the Quickness or Slowness of Motion._


/The/ motion performed by a man, or any other animal whatever, in
walking, will have more or less velocity as the centre of their weight
is more or less removed from the centre of that foot upon which they
are supported.




/Chap. LXXIII./--_Of the Motion of Animals._


/That/ figure will appear the swiftest in its course which leans the
most forwards.

Any body, moving of itself, will do it with more or less velocity
in proportion as the centre of its gravity is more or less removed
from the centre of its support. This is mentioned chiefly in regard
to the motion of birds, which, without any clapping of their wings,
or assistance of wind, move themselves. This happens when the centre
of their gravity is out of the centre of their support, viz. out of
its usual residence, the middle between the two wings. Because, if
the middle of the wings be more backward than the centre of the whole
weight, the bird will move forwards and downwards, in a greater or
less degree as the centre of its weight is more or less removed from
the middle of its wings. From which it follows, that if the centre of
gravity be far removed from the other centre, the descent of the bird
will be very oblique; but if that centre be near the middle of the
wings, the descent will have very little obliquity.

[Illustration:
_Page 31_.
_Chap. 74_.
_Plate 8_.

_London, Published by J. Taylor High Holborn._]




/Chap. LXXIV./--_Of a Figure moving against the Wind_, Plate VIII.


/A man/ moving against the wind in any direction does not keep his
centre of gravity duly disposed upon the centre of support[18].




/Chap. LXXV./--_Of the Balance of a Figure resting upon its Feet._


/The/ man who rests upon his feet, either bears the weight of his body
upon them equally, or unequally. If equally, it will be with some
accidental weight, or simply with his own; if it be with an additional
weight, the opposite extremities of his members will not be equally
distant from the perpendicular of his feet. But if he simply carries
his own weight, the opposite extremities will be equally distant from
the perpendicular of his feet: and on this subject of gravity I shall
write a separate book[19].




/Chap. LXXVI./--_A Precept._


/The/ navel is always in the central or middle line of the body, which
passes through the pit of the stomach to that of the neck, and must
have as much weight, either accidental or natural, on one side of the
human figure as on the other. This is demonstrated by extending the
arm, the wrist of which performs the office of a weight at the end of
a steelyard; and will require some weight to be thrown on the other
side of the navel, to counterbalance that of the wrist. It is on that
account that the heel is often raised.




/Chap. LXXVII./--_Of a Man standing, but resting more upon one Foot
than the other._


/After/ a man, by standing long, has tired the leg upon which he
rests, he sends part of his weight upon the other leg. But this kind
of posture is to be employed only for old age, infancy, or extreme
lassitude, because it expresses weariness, or very little power in the
limbs. For that reason, a young man, strong and healthy, will always
rest upon one of his legs, and if he removes a little of his weight
upon the other, it is only a necessary preparative to motion, without
which it is impossible to move; as we have proved before, that motion
proceeds from inequality[20].




/Chap. LXXVIII./--_Of the Balance of Figures_, Plate IX.


/If/ the figure rests upon one foot, the shoulder on that side will
always be lower than the other; and the pit of the neck will fall
perpendicularly over the middle of that leg which supports the body.
The same will happen in whatever other view we see that figure, when it
has not the arm much extended, nor any weight on its back, in its hand,
or on its shoulder, and when it does not, either behind or before,
throw out that leg which does not support the body.

[Illustration:
_Page 32_.
_Chap. 78_.
_Plate 9_.

_London, Published by J. Taylor High Holborn._]

[Illustration:
_Page 33_.
_Chap. 80_.
_Plate 10_.

_London, Published by J. Taylor High Holborn._]




/Chap. LXXIX./--_In what Manner extending one Arm alters the Balance._


/The/ extending of the arm, which was bent, removes the weight of the
figure upon the foot which bears the weight of the whole body: as is
observable in rope-dancers, who dance upon the rope with their arms
open, without any pole.




/Chap. LXXX./--_Of a Man bearing a Weight on his Shoulders_, Plate X.


/The/ shoulder which bears the weight is always higher than the other.
This is seen in the figure opposite, in which the centre line passes
through the whole, with an equal weight on each side, to the leg on
which it rests. If the weight were not equally divided on each side
of this central line of gravity, the whole would fall to the ground.
But Nature has provided, that as much of the natural weight of the man
should be thrown on one side, as of accidental weight on the other,
to form a counterpoise. This is effected by the man's bending, and
leaning on the side not loaded, so as to form an equilibrium to the
accidental weight he carries; and this cannot be done, unless the
loaded shoulder be raised, and the other lowered. This is the resource
with which Nature has furnished a man on such occasions.




/Chap. LXXXI./--_Of Equilibrium._


/Any/ figure bearing an additional weight out of the central line, must
throw as much natural or accidental weight on the opposite side as is
sufficient to form a counterpoise round that line, which passes from
the pit of the neck, through the whole mass of weight, to that part
of the foot which rests upon the ground. We observe, that when a man
lifts a weight with one arm, he naturally throws out the opposite arm;
and if that be not enough to form an equipoise, he will add as much of
his own weight, by bending his body, as will enable him to resist such
accidental load. We see also, that a man ready to fall sideways and
backwards at the same time, always throws out the arm on the opposite
side.




/Chap. LXXXII./--_Of Motion._


/Whether/ a man moves with velocity or slowness, the parts above the
leg which sustains the weight, will always be lower than the others on
the opposite side.




/Chap. LXXXIII./--_The Level of the Shoulders._


/The/ shoulders or sides of a man, or any other animal, will preserve
less of their level, in proportion to the slowness of their motion;
and, _vice versa_, those parts will lose less of their level when the
motion is quicker. This is proved by the ninth proposition, treating of
local motions, where it is said, any weight will press in the direction
of the line of its motion; therefore the whole moving towards any one
point, the parts belonging to it will follow the shortest line of the
motion of its whole, without giving any of its weight to the collateral
parts of the whole.

[Illustration:
_Page 35_.
_Chap. 84_.
_Plate 11_.

_London, Published by J. Taylor High Holborn._]

[Illustration:
_Page 35_.
_Chap. 84_.
_Plate 12_.

_London, Published by J. Taylor High Holborn._]

[Illustration:
_Page 35_.
_Chap. 85_.
_Plate 13_.

_London, Published by J. Taylor High Holborn._]




/Chap. LXXXIV./--_Objection to the above answered_, Plate XI. and XII.


/It/ has been objected, in regard to the first part of the above
proposition, that it does not follow that a man standing still, or
moving slowly, has his members always in perfect balance upon the
centre of gravity; because we do not find that Nature always follows
that rule, but, on the contrary, the figure will sometimes bend
sideways, standing upon one foot; sometimes it will rest part of its
weight upon that leg which is bent at the knee, as is seen in the
figures B C. But I shall reply thus, that what is not performed by the
shoulders in the figure C, is done by the hip, as is demonstrated in
another place.




/Chap. LXXXV./--_Of the Position of Figures_, Plate XIII.


/In/ the same proportion as that part of the naked figure marked D A,
lessens in height from the shoulder to the hip, on account of its
position the opposite side increases. And this is the reason: the
figure resting upon one (suppose the left) foot, that foot becomes the
centre of all the weight above; and the pit of the neck, formed by the
junction of the two Clavicles, quits also its natural situation at the
upper extremity of the perpendicular line (which passes through the
middle surface of the body), to bend over the same foot; and as this
line bends with it, it forces the transverse lines, which are always at
right angles, to lower their extremities on that side where the foot
rests, as appears in A B C. The navel and middle parts always preserve
their natural height.




/Chap. LXXXVI./--_Of the Joints._


/In/ the bending of the joints it is particularly useful to observe the
difference and variety of shape they assume; how the muscles swell on
one side, while they flatten on the other; and this is more apparent in
the neck, because the motion of it is of three sorts, two of which are
simple motions, and the other complex, participating also of the other
two.

The simple motions are, first, when the neck bends towards the
shoulder, either to the right or left, and when it raises or lowers
the head. The second is, when it twists to the right or left, without
rising or bending, but straight, with the head turned towards one of
the shoulders. The third motion, which is called complex, is, when to
the bending of it is added the twisting, as when the ear leans towards
one of the shoulders, the head turning the same way, and the face
turned upwards.




/Chap. LXXXVII./--_Of the Shoulders._


/Of/ those which the shoulders can perform, simple motions are the
principal, such as moving the arm upwards and downwards, backwards and
forwards. Though one might almost call those motions infinite, for if
the arm can trace a circle upon a wall, it will have performed all the
motions belonging to the shoulders. Every continued quantity being
divisible _ad infinitum_, and this circle being a continued quantity,
produced by the motion of the arm going through every part of the
circumference, it follows, that the motions of the shoulders may also be
said to be infinite.

[Illustration:
_Page 37_.
_Chap. 89_.
_Plate 14_.

_London, Published by J. Taylor High Holborn._]




/Chap. LXXXVIII./--_Of the Motions of a Man._


/When/ you mean to represent a man removing a weight, consider that the
motions are various, viz. either a simple motion, by bending himself
to raise the weight from the ground upwards, or when he drags the
weight after him, or pushes it before him, or pulls it down with a rope
passing through a pulley. It is to be observed, that the weight of the
man's body pulls the more in proportion as the centre of his gravity
is removed from the centre of his support. To this must be added the
strength of the effort that the legs and back make when they are bent,
to return to their natural straight situation.

A man never ascends or descends, nor walks at all in any direction,
without raising the heel of the back foot.




/Chap. LXXXIX./--_Of the Disposition of Members preparing to act with
great Force_, Plate XIV.


/When/ a man prepares himself to strike a violent blow, he bends and
twists his body as far as he can to the side contrary to that which
he means to strike, and collecting all his strength, he, by a complex
motion, returns and falls upon the point he has in view[21].




/Chap. XC./--_Of throwing any Thing with Violence_, Plate XV.


/A man/ throwing a dart, a stone, or any thing else with violence,
may be represented, chiefly, two different ways; that is, he may be
preparing to do it, or the act may be already performed. If you mean to
place him in the act of preparation, the inside of the foot upon which
he rests will be under the perpendicular line of the pit of the neck;
and if it be the right foot, the left shoulder will be perpendicular
over the toes of the same foot.




/Chap. XCI./--_On the Motion of driving any Thing into or drawing it
out of the Ground._


/He/ who wishes to pitch a pole into the ground, or draw one out of it,
will raise the leg and bend the knee opposite to the arm which acts,
in order to balance himself upon the foot that rests, without which he
could neither drive in, nor pull out any thing.




/Chap. XCII./--_Of forcible Motions_, Plate XVI.


/Of/ the two arms, that will be most powerful in its effort, which,
having been farthest removed from its natural situation, is assisted
more strongly by the other parts to bring it to the place where it
means to go. As the man A, who moves the arm with a club E, and brings
it to the opposite side B, assisted by the motion of the whole body.

[Illustration:
_Page 38_.
_Chap. 90_.
_Plate 15_.

_London, Published by J. Taylor High Holborn._]

[Illustration:
_Page 39_.
_Chap. 92_.
_Plate 16_.

_London, Published by J. Taylor High Holborn._]




/Chap. XCIII./--_The Action of Jumping._

